Philippines: European Development Cooperation Should Not Support Commercialisation of Health Care Exacerbating Inequality

The current privatization policies of the Philippine government do not provide an answer to the enormous health needs. Despite the name of the Philippine "€œUniversal Health Care"€ program that claims to "€œbring equity and access to critical health services to poor Philippinos"€, commercialisation of health services will do exactly the opposite. Unfortunately, the European Commission is supportive of these policies and formerly approved a contribution of  € 33 million in support of the Health Sector Reform Agenda of the Philippine government

Philippines: European Development Cooperation Should Not Support Commercialisation of Health Care Exacerbating Inequality

 by Natalie Van Gijsel*

Campaign and Policy Officer at Medecine Pour le Tiers Monde (M3M)

Today, in the Philippines, 28 women out of 100 do not enjoy skilled attendance during delivery, a situation showing a glaring lack of access to healthcare. While in Belgium each year 8 mothers die of pregnancy-related causes, in the Philippines 8 mothers die every day. Every day 194 children under five years die in the Philippines, compared to one child per day in Belgium. Especially the poorest of the poor die without ever having seen a doctor.

Philippine civil society criticizes Public Private Partnership approach

The Aquino government claims that “public-private partnerships (PPP)”1 are the only alternative to meet the health needs and the continuing population growth in the Philippines. By outsourcing public hospitals to the commercial sector2, as announced by Health Minister Enrique Ona, one wants to save on government spending, while progressing in public health outcomes. All 72 public hospitals in the Philippines would be eligible for privatization.

However, according to local organisations – IBON, Gabriela, Council for Health and Development (CHD) and Advocates for Community Health -€“ the current privatization policies of the Philippine government do not provide an answer to the enormous health needs. Despite the name of the Philippine “€œUniversal Health Care”€ program that claims to “€œbring equity and access to critical health services to poor Philippinos”€, commercialisation of health services will do exactly the opposite and leave the poor behind.

What is the role of the European Union?

The European Commission (EC), being a big donor in Overseas Development Assistance to the Philippines, is supportive of the current health sector reforms in the Philippines and formerly approved a contribution of € 33 million in support of the Health Sector Reform Agenda of the Philippine government. The latest published Philippine-EU Strategy Paper (2007-2013) stated that “€œfurther privatisation is critical and urgent”€ (p.18).

The “€œAgenda For Change€ of the European Union’s Development Cooperation (Directorate General Devco) -in line with the 1993 World Bank Report ‘Investing in Health’– is pushing for more involvement of the private sector. In the document it is written how “€œthe EU should develop new ways of engaging with the private sector, notably with a view to leveraging private sector activity and resources for delivering public goods”€, including health care provision. According to the Agenda For Change, the EU should “€œcatalyse public-private partnerships and private investment”€. References are made to imposing stricter conditionalities on the development aid provided, “€œthrough a range of aid instruments, notably ‘€˜sector reform contracts'”€. In a recent press release Andris Piebalgs, the European Commissioner for Development, confirmed the urge for “€œA Stronger Role of the Private Sector in Achieving Inclusive and Sustainable Growth in Developing Countries”, stating that “€œThe private sector has a crucial role to play in helping people to lift themselves out of poverty (…), ensuring that businesses find an enabling environment to invest more, and more responsibly, in developing countries to help everyone enjoy the economic opportunities which the private sector can bring”€.

Commercialization increases inequalities in access to health care

The most disadvantaged populations in the Philippines live in slums in the cities. People migrate to the city in search for work opportunities and a better life. But what they find is poverty, a life in unsanitary conditions and exposure to pollution. Although slum dwellers are the most vulnerable to diseases, they have the least access to health care.

The commercial sector in the Philippines invests mostly in specialized hospitals in the cities. Rural areas, where the majority of the population lives, and preventive primary health care are being overlooked by the private-for-profit sector. In addition, one has to pay high fees for health care by private for-profit providers, while user fees have been proven to result in low utilisation of and exclusion from health care and further  impoverishment. The rural and urban poor are then pushed to rely on the underfunded public health sector or poorly regulated informal providers.

The outsourcing of healthcare to commercial investors goes at the expense of the public sector; it is diverting resources away from the public sector. First of all, the private-for-profit sector entices health workers away from the public sector by offering better working conditions and higher salaries3.The Philippines also train health workers en masse for export. So there is a net surplus of health workers, but through the “brain drain” the poor in urban and rural areas are left behind with a shortage of doctors and nurses. Secondly, increasing commercial sector involvement replaces Philippine public expenditure for health care. For reasons of diversion of resources away from the public sector, public health care provision is often of poor quality. A two-tier health system with commercial facilities for the better off and underfunded public services for the poor raises concerns of equity and social justice in health care access. Considering that the health system, being an important social determinant of health equity, can increase or reduce  inequities in health outcomes.

Does the private-for-profit sector provide better quality health care? 

If assumed that “quality care” is understood as “offering the best treatment according to the diagnosis, based on evidence and international treatment guidelines”, then this is not necessarily the case. Indeed, research in developing countries shows that, more often than their public counterparts, doctors in the private-for-profit sector do not respect international treatment guidelines.

In Peru and Chile higher rates of potentially unnecessary procedures, particularly ceasarian sections, were reported in private-for-profit settings after privatization of  obstetric services. Studies in Mexico suggested that fee-for-service payment structures (which are more heavily present in private than in public care delivery settings) incentivized increased C-sections, while ceasarian sections should only be performed on medical indication because they entail more health risks for the mother.

Recent studies also suggest that in several developing countries, private-for-profit practitioners had a significantly worse knowledge of correct diagnosis and treatment. In Sub-Saharan Africa doctors serving in the for-profit sector have shown to be more likely to prescribe unnecessary antibiotics to children with diarrhea, instead of the recommended oral rehydration salts. Irrational prescribing practices could lead to antibiotic resistance, which poses the world population at risk.

Is the private sector more efficient than the public sector?

We understand “€œefficiency”€ as “€œproducing the best possible results with the available budget”€. According to the 2009 Oxfam report “€œBlind optimism“€, commercialization of health care increases public spending, while health outcomes deteriorate. Lebanon has one of the most privatized health systems in the developing world. The country spends two times more on health care than Sri Lanka, a country far lower on the development index of the United Nations. Despite the high public spending, the infant and maternal mortality rates are 2.5 and 3 times higher, respectively. Outsourcing healthcare to the commercial sector in China- still remembered for its former “€œbarefoot doctors”€- has led to a decline of less-profitable preventative health care; immunisation coverage dropped by half in the following five years. Likewise, following extensive privatization reforms in Colombia in 1993, population vaccine coverage declined and more cases of tuberculosis occurred.

EU should refrain from promoting privatization policies

Economic development is seen as the panacea in creating health and wealth. However, opening up the health sector for increased private-for-profit investments is creating inequalities in access to health care and thus inequities in health outcomes, which raises serious concerns of sociale justice. Therefore, the European Union should refrain from development policies that support or push privatization efforts in the health sector.

References

1-IBON Facts and Figures. PPP in Health. Vol. 34. N° 7 & 8, 15 & 30 April 2011

2- IBON Facts and Figures. Aquino’s Universal Health Care. Vol 34, N° 17, 15 september, 2012

3-Haddad, S., Baris, E., & Narayana, D. (2008). Safeguarding the health sector in times of macroeconomic instability: policy lessons for low- and middle-income countries. Ottawa: Africa World Press: International development research centre

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*Natalie Van Gijsel is Campaign and Policy Officer at Medecine pour le Tiers Monde in Belgium. Being a midwife she worked in Belgium and for some years in Sierra Leone. She is a master-student in Global Health Policy at the London School Of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine

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Financing Research for Health: Why the Multilateral Process Paused, and What Action Governments Should Take rather than Wait

Many low and middle-income countries (LMICs) are still struggling to finance indigenous R&D, and several are failing to meet continental declarations of intent such as the African Union target of 1% of GDP on R&D. In the next two years, LMICs may make significant strides in pushing their own R&D models, but it is clear that a radical re-think of how to fund, and how to incentivise R&D is needed if they are to get drug development for diseases of poverty resourced. A bold new strategy requires perspectives including the voice of NGOs and civil society, if progress in R&D is to result in greater access and health equity. This is why LMICs should take the lead and not rely on external aid nor wait for international treaties to arrange what they can start and fund at home

Financing Research for Health: Why the Multilateral Process Paused, and What Action Governments Should Take rather than Wait

by 

 Priya Shetty Global Health Consultant, Brighton, UK  

Danny Edwards Council on Health Research for Development (COHRED*), Geneva, Switzerland

Carel IJsselmuiden COHRED, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa

 

There are some problems in global health that seem so intractable as to defy solution: one of these is the flawed model of research and development (R&D). Developing new drugs and vaccines is so expensive that a market-based system simply cannot support the millions of dollars needed in investment when these medicines are being developed for people who cannot afford costly drugs and are without health insurance.

For a while in 2012, it seemed as if the world would see a much-awaited R&D treaty that would revolutionise funding of global health research. This time, it also looked like the pharmaceutical industry was on board, a major coup considering that the business goals of industry are often not in alignment with ensuring that the world’€™s poorest have access to cheap medicines. But hopes were dashed when the idea was once again placed on the backburner until 2016, a decision reached in May 2013 at the 66th World Health Assembly in response to the report of the Consultative Expert Working Group on Research and Development: Financing and Coordination (CEWG).

Many in global health saw this as enormously disappointing news, and with good reason. The restrictions of intellectual property laws still limit the  production of generic medicines, and gains in access to generic drugs are under constant threat of reversal, particularly for the most costly drugs. Despite the launch of ventures such as the Drugs for Neglected Diseases Initiative (DNDi), neglected diseases such as trachoma and Buruli ulcer still garner pitiful amounts of attention, and even less funding. Last year, with the exception of the USA, high-income country governments cut their funding for neglected diseases by an average of 20%.

Under pressure to take some action after the multilateral process stalled, governments agreed to create a Global R&D Observatory to improve monitoring and evaluation of health research financing, and to identify “€œdemonstration projects“to test mechanisms for boosting global R&D financing. These projects should help us understand better what sort of incentives -€“ such as an R&D prize fund -€“ could entice researchers to target particular R&D goals.

However, the eight demonstration projects that were chosen a year later, last December, left many, especially civil society and NGOs such as MSF underwhelmed. The criteria for selecting the projects were revealed so close to the meeting as to leave no time for critique or input, and while the projects seem entirely robust scientifically, they did not yet prioritize testing price-delinkage mechanisms -€“ yet the fact that the high cost of R&D is linked to the price of the final product is central to the reason that the current system is broken. Demonstration projects that fall closely in line with the existing system will only prove a circular argument – that if a project is designed to work within the current system, it will succeed. Yet this is far from what is needed. These considerations are without prejudice to a just approved resolution by the 67th WHA that allows WHO to establish a pooled fund for sustainable R&D for developing countries, based upon delinking drug prices from the cost of the R&D.

Worryingly, it seems there is a real possibility that, in 2016, we will be no closer to understanding how to devise a global R&D treaty, and that the demonstration projects will have revealed very little about radical and innovative ways to fund global R&D, especially for health problems faced by those with fewest resources. Other commentators  have variously described the process as a ‘€˜non-event’€™, that is ‘€˜based on flawed logic’, and will ‘€˜waste time and money’€™.

The multilateral process to develop an R&D treaty failed for many reasons. A key explanation is that two of the biggest global R&D funders, the USA and the European Union, were opposed to the financial reform aspects of the treaty, which would demand fixed contributions of GDP towards R&D from member states and would ensure that 20% of this funding is channeled through a pooled funding mechanism. Other major criticisms centered on the absence of any serious engagement with civil society or NGOs, and more critically, on the heavy-handed involvement of the pharmaceutical industry and its attempt to co-opt the R&D agenda, although it is perhaps not surprising that the pharmaceutical companies would not wholeheartedly support a treaty that proposed radical reform in how it does business.

All of this suggests that it is time for the global health community to be bolder in how it deals with this issue. WHO member states are understandably conservative when it comes to international agreements, and agreeing on a treaty that is acceptable to all is not an easy task. But the world has proven that when it wants to, such as in enforcing stricter tobacco control, it can be both co-operative and innovative.

Despite the somewhat dispiriting lack of action at the international level, there are significant actions that low and middle-income countries (LMICs) themselves can take – and indeed are already taking – to push for a better R&D system.

For instance, several new financing mechanisms, with control firmly in the hands of LMICs, are being floated. Recently, a BRICS Bank was created which would fund infrastructure and sustainable development in LMICs. Now, BRICS countries have agreed to fund the bank with $100 billion, which could weaken the dominance of funding agencies such as the World Bank in global aid. BRICS partnerships  and South-South partnerships are starting to flourish too, with India and Israel setting up a joint US$40 million fund for technology ventures, with each country investing US$20 million over 5 years.

Many LMICs are still struggling to finance indigenous R&D, however, and several are failing to meet continental declarations of intent such as the African Union target of 1% of GDP on R&D. Relying on external aid, however, means that countries risk loss of autonomy in setting their research agenda. At COHRED’€™s 2013 Colloquium in Geneva, participants suggested that LMICs set up dedicated national research funds (NRFs) as a way of ensuring that research funding is disbursed in accordance with explicitly linked local priorities. South Africa set up such a fund in 1998. Indonesia, currently in the midst of radical science and technology reform, is planning to set up a NRF, as are many African countries such as Burkina Faso, Burundi, Ghana and Kenya.

The possible benefits of such an approach are numerous. It can fund systematically, ensuring that research funds do not dry up halfway through a project: a perennial issue in low-income countries. It can raise research quality by instituting a competitive process based on merit, meaning that funding does not go to only the well connected. It can fund institutional and management capacity, areas less popular with international funders. It can be aligned with national research agendas, ensuring funded research accords to country need as is the case in most high-income countries. Even though allocating a percentage of a low national budget will not immediately replace the need for global health research funding, it directly supports LMIC autonomy in setting their own priorities and setting the tone and direction of their own research and innovation systems.

For the least-developed countries, other events also indicate that the time is right to build R&D infrastructure. On 11-12 June last year, the World Trade Organization (WTO) Council on the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), agreed that least-developed countries do not have to comply with the global intellectual property rights framework for a further eight years beyond 2013. This provides them greater freedom to build up their technological base (as India did before WTO accession in 2005) and the policy space to experiment with alternative models for incentivising R&D.

In the next two years, LMICs may make significant strides in pushing their own R&D models, but it is clear that a radical re-think of how we fund, and how we incentivise R&D is needed if we are to get drug development for diseases of poverty resourced. It is evident that processes run entirely by member states are too often mired in politics as to be actionable. A bold new strategy requires new perspectives, especially from those outside of the system, including the voice of NGOs and civil society – if progress in R&D is to result in greater access and health equity. This is why LMICs should take the lead and not wait for international treaties to arrange what they can start and fund at home.

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*COHRED, the Council on Health Research for Development, is a global, non-profit organisation whose singular goal is to maximize the potential of research and innovation to deliver sustainable solutions to the health and development problems of people living in low and middle-income countries

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Radio Vaticana: Intervista a GESPAM

Medicine Salvavita per Tutti, non solo per chi se le può permettere

Oltre la metà  dei 5 miliardi di abitanti nei paesi del sud del mondo conta su meno di due dollari al giorno per la sussistenza, mentre il fenomeno della contraffazione e cattiva qualità  dei prodotti farmaceutici lievita e le medicine salvavita sono vincolate a regimi brevettuali esacerbati da accordi di libero scambio e da politiche governative sbilanciate a favore di €™interessi di monopolio.

Per cercare di €™informare, sensibilizzare e stimolare un dibattito attorno a questi temi è nato GESPAM, acronimo di ‘Geopolitica, Salute Pubblica, Accesso alle Medicine’€™. GESPAM è un ramo operativo di Equilibri, Agenzia Italiana di Geopolitica e Relazioni Internazionali.

Ne parla ai nostri microfoni, Daniele Dionisio, medico infettivologo, membro del Gruppo di Lavoro del Parlamento Europeo ‘€˜Innovation, Access to Medicines and Poverty-Related Diseases’€™ e fondatore di GESPAM:

http://it.radiovaticana.va/news/2014/05/14/medicine_salvavita_per_tutti_accesso_alla_salute_per_tutti/1100496# 

 

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How to feed the world when the new generation doesn’t want to go into farming  

“When the sun is shining, our crops are dying”

Climate change and EU security policy: an unmet challenge 

‘Beyond GDP’ is code for anti-prosperity  

Why Jeffrey Sachs matters  

Health Policy Research And Disparities: A Health Affairs Conversation With Lisa Simpson And Darrell Gaskin 

Chile and Costa Rica: Different roads to universal health in Latin America 

8 Facts about China’s Investments in Africa