The Process of Decentralization in Lebanon: South Beirut Municipalities are Improving Primary Healthcare Services and Integrated Local Welfare

The Lebanese Health care system is very fragmented due to the lack of a public health policy, strategic planning of services and their organizational structures. Now, through a new process of decentralization, South Beirut Municipalities are improving primary healthcare services and integrated local welfare

The Process of Decentralization in Lebanon: South Beirut Municipalities are Improving Primary Healthcare Services and Integrated Local Welfare

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by Cinzia Chighine*

 Tuscany Region, International Activities

 

The conflict between Israel and Lebanon in July 2006 and the internal repercussions in Lebanon have outlined a new political and economic scenario. Moreover, the internal contradictions and the external interference have negatively influenced the Lebanese economic growth.

According to the Social Action Plan of the Ministry of Social Affairs, the Lebanese Government Budget, historically oriented to multi-year strategies in the Social and Educational field,  has been totally re-planned in order to meet the new Emergency.

Sustained political and security instability have further widened the fiscal deficit and capped Lebanon’€™s GDP growth near 1 percent in 2014, as the International Institute of Finance declared in a revised assessment of the country’€™s economic situation.

The current scenario shows  four main challenges that will weigh on the Lebanese economic performance:  the Presidential election during the year, the formation of a new Government in Lebanon and an escalation of the civil war in Syria, while the frequency of violent incidents in Lebanon has increased.

A Presidential Election was held in Lebanon on 23rd April 2014. Since no candidate reached a two-thirds majority vote, a second round had been scheduled for April 30, a third round for May 15, and a fourth round for May 22. Due to lack of quorum the elections had been aborted.

The Syrians fled to Lebanon  since the outbreak of the civil war are more than one million and they are causing a strong impact on the economy of the Country, for which the United Nations are now asking for urgent international aid. By now the number of refugees, half of whom are children, is equivalent to a quarter of the Lebanese population and according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Antònio Guterres, the flow is accelerating.

Today Lebanon ranks 38 out of 135 countries concerning the Poverty Index and it is in 78th place out of 179 as concerning the Human Development Index. Twenty-two percent  of the Lebanese Population is under 15 years and 12% over 60. Life Expectancy is around 73 years. Child Mortality Rate is around 18/1000, while the Maternal Mortality Rate is around 25 per 100,000 live births (2013).

Even in the Health sector there are some critical aspects that represent significant challenges for the public insurance system. The per capita public expenditure in Health services is out of a total of $ 235.8 while the total per capita Health spending is  $ 923 (2013). Public expenditure on total Health expenditure is 5.8% (data from WHO 2013).

In terms of chronic diseases, there is a prevalence of diabetes (12%), hypertension (32%) and obesity (29% over 20 years).

The Sustainable Health system is normally guaranteed by the repayment for each performance initially covered by the public insurance. The costs are aggravated by the repetition of single performances, by some inappropriateness of care pathways and by inappropriate admissions. Considering these anomalies, the overall costs of the Health system -taking into account the overall volume of the performance- are particularly high: the total health expenditure is around 13% of Lebanese GDP with the unfavorable balance between cost/efficiency and cost/benefit.

The poor offer of Basic Health Services and the not always appropriate prevention, such as the lack of continuity of care and inequity of access to them, are important critical points of the system.

The setting of the private Health and Education system does not favor the widespread access to basic rights for a broad segment of the population.

The Lebanese Health Service consists of 90% by individuals and private facilities structures that deliver performances in hospitals, clinics or in local specialized districts in which they operate.

The specialist medical visits, hospitalizations, laboratory examinations, rehabilitation services are reimbursed by 80 % by the public or private insurance companies. However, about 50% of the general population is excluded by the insurance system. Only those who have a job in the private or public sector enjoy the right to the mandatory health insurance.

Lebanese population loses the insurance coverage with the attainment of the retirement age, except for a few and privileged categories of people. The State reimburses only the costs of first aid hospitalization to them, according to no more adequate rates, because they have been agreed in the past.

The Lebanese Health care system is very fragmented due to the lack of a public health policy, strategic planning of services and their organizational structures. Accordingly, an excessive commercialization of health services increases the gap between rich and poor people.

According to Ministry of Public Health (MoPH) database, the insurance coverage in Lebanon is the following:

Social Security – “€œDaman”€ 26.1%

Cooperative of Government employees 5.5%

Army 9.1%

Security facilities 2.2%

Private insurance 8.8%

Ministry of Public Health 48.3%

About 50% of the Lebanese  population (unemployed people and almost all of the elderly population) is excluded from the public or private insurance system. According to the National Health Program of Lebanese MoPH, the State reimburses only the costs of hospitalization and the first aid service to these citizens. A partial role in filling gaps is covered by various religious congregations and some local NGOs to whom a part of the poor population is referring to.

According to MoPH Database, in addition to the public Health structures managed by the MoPH (nr. 15 units), by MoPH/NGOs and Municipality (nr.14 units), by Ministry of Social Affairs (nr. 3 unit), by NGOs (nr. 53 units) and by the Municipality itself (nr. 1 unit), there are about 800 dispensaries, managed by Lebanese NGOs, to whom only 15% of the population, in large part not covered by insurance, is addressed.

The network of the dispensaries – created as a quick  response to post-war emergencies – is suffering from the lack of minimum quality standards and professional skills in the offered services, and it would require a rethinking in a perspective of public reorganization of basic services.

In 2007 the rethinking of the concept and the prerogatives of dispensaries started in several municipalities in the southern suburbs of Beirut, among the areas most affected by the conflict. The South Beirut dispensaries have been transformed into Primary Care Centers (PHCC) and one of these centers is being accredited by the MoPH.

The Southern Suburbs of Beirut -called Dahiye – include eight municipalities, some of which have been particularly hardly hit by Israeli bombing in 2006. During the conflict many people from southern Lebanon have settled in these suburbs often occupying the skeletons of buildings destroyed by the civil war and never rebuilt.

The Social and Health care services offered to the local population in these areas are extremely limited and not incorporated into the regular activities of the municipalities.

The Lebanese administrative decentralization process -despite an ongoing reform deeply desired by the Lebanese Chairman, in order to incorporate the  recommendations of the Ta’if Agreement (1989) – is  essentially quite new.

The local government is represented by the Municipalities, as the Districts (Mohafazat in Arabic) don’€™t’ have political power in terms of delivery of services to citizens and are not beneficiaries of the financial resources by the central government.

The Lebanese Municipalities -as revealed by a study conducted by the “€œCenter for Administrative Innovation in the Euro-Mediterranean region” €(CAIMED)- don’t have developed relationships with the citizens they are dealing with. The Municipalities provide basic services i.e. Tax collection, without actually establishing links with the people.

Recently, some Municipalities have joined together in  “€œUnion of Municipalities”€.

The “€œOffice of the Minister of State for Administrative Reform”€ (OMSAR) highlights – among the main difficulties it has to deal with in his role as a facilitator for the effective application of the administrative law reform – the lack of support by local governments as they are not ready to change. Actually, the forms of cooperation between different Lebanese actors are limited by the legacy of the civil war.

Lebanon has been the scene of many conflicts, mainly due to its complex social, religious and political composition.

The repercussions of these events fall on the Lebanese people who are still  living situations characterized by poverty, unemployment, lack of opportunities, conflicts and widespread violence at the local level.

The national political instability has not activated the processes of decentralization. The municipalities are representative bodies with small margin of direct intervention on the needs of the population.

The Issue of Health is a strategic factor to strengthen, through the implementation of operational tools, the governance of the territories, exchanges and more dialectical confrontation among the Government Institutions. At the same time , Health Policies are influenced by environmental, economic, social and political issues, that directly affect the community. The Health integrated approach is therefore a “€œroadway”€ for local authorities to strengthen  their role thus gaining its political-administrative function.

In the framework of the UNDP ART Gold program, the Region of Tuscany supports the network among Social Offices of the Municipalities, offices for local development (LEDA) and the Centers for Primary Care (PHCCs), particularly in the suburbs of South Beirut, in order to reinforce, in accordance with the MoPH, the local health systems in areas affected by the now highly migratory flow of Syrian refugees.

The initiative aims to support the general goal of the administrative decentralization process. The PHCCs will reinforce the role of local authorities as public providers in the Municipalities of Al Mreyjeh, Al Chiah and Furn Al Chebbak,  Haret Hreik, Ghobeiry, Tyre, North Akkar Region, in accordance with the recommendations of the Ministry of Health in order to adopt a new approach to Primary Care through the Social Offices.

The experience has allowed to break the fragmentary in the Lebanese Health Sector, improving the population’s access to basic services through the implementation of a modern integrated system of Primary Care.

The network of PHCCs is able to generate operational synergies with the Education system through permanent programs of Education and Health promotion, Health education , prevention and care.

Particularly, the Region of Zgharta, deeply affected by the emergence of the Syrian refugee population is involving PHCCs in a new integrated approach to the Local Welfare.

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 *Cinzia Chighine, born in Viareggio (Italy) in 1974, has been professionally active as aid-worker in Africa and Middle East area for a decade. She works now in Florence as a staff member of Tuscany Region’€™s International Activities Department

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The news links are part of the research project GESPAM (Geopolitica, Salute Pubblica e Accesso alle Medicine/Geopolitics, Public Health and Access to Medicines), which aims to focus on the best options for the use of trade and government rules related to public health by resource-limited countries

 

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Pharmaceutical Genocide: "India in the Crosshairs"

Hiding behind patents, Pharma has become immune to criticism knowing from previous attempts, no one has the ability to force change.  Along the way, Pharma has developed a powerful constituency among politicians who often use prepared cliches to equate challenges to high prices as a threat to democracy

Pharmaceutical Genocide

“€œIndia In the Crosshairs”€

History, Discussion and Commentary

by William F. Haddad*

Chairman/CEO of Biogenerics, New York

 

More people die and suffer each day in the poor and developing nations of the world from the war waged on the availability of affordable medicines than die in classic wars.  The “€œmedicines war” – unlike other wars – never ends.  Its victims include men, women and children, born and unborn.

Year after year, millions suffer and die needlessly.

There are no street demonstrations, or crowds surrounding the offices of those who are responsible. There are few editorials or news stories systematically reporting this brutal, silent war.  There is no chorus of outraged politicians.

And there are no “€œScrooges”€ who are forced by their conscience to see their victims suffer and die.  Most of those perpetuating this war are honored by their societies and their secret, the truth, is disguised.

For almost all of these untreated diseases there is a safe, effective, regulated medical clone that is affordable and can be readily available. And, waiting on the sidelines, is a mature and regulated industry to legally clone and manufacture them.

Yet, Third World nations, periodically ravaged by pandemics and crippling illnesses are denied access to essential medicines because, bluntly, access is controlled by the monopolies of multinational pharmaceutical companies (Pharma).  If medicines do become available, they are almost uniformly unaffordable.  When the AIDS pandemic spread to 36,000,000 persons in Third World nations, only 4,000 persons could afford the life-prolonging treatment of $12,000 a year. No one doubted the others would die.

India provides most of the affordable and essential medicines in Third World nations but that success is again being seriously challenged by a coalition led by the U.S. government and Pharma and pursued in an official public investigation.

Recently, a decision by India’€™s Supreme Court, after seven years of litigation, denied a patent to a multinational pharmaceutical company because was a virtual copy of an old existing patent and was not “€œinnovative”€ according to the Indian Patents laws.

In the same time frame, India granted a “€œcompulsory license”€ to a generic company for another cancer medicine because the brand price was “€œexcessive”€ and there was no local manufacture.

Many nations reserve these rights when awarding patents.

These legal judgments stunned the international Pharma companies and sent them running to their strongest ally, the United States where a formal investigation is currently underway. Knowledgeable observers expect the usual result: threats of trade penalties for India.

Unlike previous challenges to Pharma’€™s monopolistic control, it now appears India is determined to defend its rights under international law to manufacture and market essential medicines for its own use and for sale in the poor and developing nations of the world. Political pressures and “€œvisits”€ by ranking American diplomats   failed to “€œpersuade”€ India to capitulate to Pharma’€™s demands.

India’€™s rights are guaranteed by a unanimous vote of the World Trade Organization (WTO).  Under the original “€œDoha Agreement”€ and “€œTRIPS”€ (Trade Related Aspects of International Rights), poor and developing nations lacking medicines in a medical crisis have the absolute right to manufacture or import them, bypassing patents and other restrictions.

Generic companies in India have always responded by providing safe, effective and affordable medicines when the barriers no longer prevent their importation.

But, over time, commercial greed left that right in tatters. Most essential medicines are either unavailable or unaffordable in Third World nations. The result was predictable: people suffered and died.

Suddenly, all that changed.

The AIDS Pandemic

In the late 1990s, when the extent of the AIDS pandemic in Sub-Saharan Africa was recognized, only 4,000 out of over 30 million afflicted could afford treatment although the medicines to keep AIDS victims alive was readily available in Europe and the United States.  The reason was not difficult to understand. The three multinational pharmaceutical companies manufacturing the AIDS medicines sold them collectively for $ 12.000 to $ 15,000 per person per year in western nations and turned a deaf ear to urgent pleas to provide the medicines at an affordable price in the third world and developing countries.

A few executives in private meetings had decided who would live and who would die and the combined influence of the world’€™s non-governmental and humanitarian organizations, churches, courageous politicians and others could not change that decision. Lacking affordable medicines, millions in the Third World died slow and agonizing deaths.

As history will report in years to come, there was one scientist not intimidated by Pharma’s power and propaganda or by the inevitable surrender of nations unable to obtain affordable AIDS medicines.

Dr. Yusuf Hamied, a scientist and managing Director of an Indian company, Cipla, Ltd. whose generic products were used in the United States and nations around the world, answered his critics by creating a generic AIDS medical clone combining  the medicines from three different companies into one tablet taken twice a day, one in the morning and one in the evening, the regime needed to enhance widespread use in the Third World, and reduced the cost to below a dollar-a-day.

For the millions on the highway to death, this “€œtriple”€ called “€œTriomune”€ became the affordable medicine that converted a certain death sentence into a renewal of life.

The generic clone was approved for use in India, followed by approval for wide and extensive use by the World Health Organization (WHO) and then by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, widely regarded as the world’s strictest regulatory authority.

Even with these universal approvals in place, Pharma was able to delay its widespread use for three more years.  What was being hailed as a major scientific breakthrough was trumped by Pharma’€™s control of the political process.

I joined Dr. Hamied in the year 2000, as he courageously sought to remove the political wall preventing use of the approved and affordable AIDS medicines.

Pharma quickly learned it was not a fight he would abandon.

For a moment, please, use your “€œmind’€™s eye”€ and join me as I visited hospitals in Africa and elsewhere and share with me a persistent memory of hospital hallways filled with patients lying silently on thin mats waiting to die, a sight made all the worse because in my pocket I had a sample of an affordable medical clone that could restore them to life, a medicine the multinational pharmaceutical companies would not allow physicians to use. There are no words in my vocabulary to describe the lingering pain of watching people die when you knew they could live.

After more than three years of worldwide political struggle, only one hurdle remained blocking use of the generic AIDS medicine, a legal action initiated in a South African court by thirty-eight multinational pharmaceutical companies to prevent the sale of generic medicines in Africa, depriving AIDS victims of their chance to live.

Worldwide, we fanned the flame of a growing awareness that the affordable AIDS clone had the potential for keeping millions of AIDS victims alive.  The mounting criticism became intolerable, finally forcing brand companies to abandon their legal action in South Africa.

Within days, Dr. Hamied, joined by two executives from Doctors Without Borders, flew to WHO in Geneva where we urged a “€œone-stop”€ worldwide approval process be created to replace the required nation-by-nation procedure then in place. WHO’€™s approval and departure from tradition could quickly return the dying to life and for many, preserve their families and prevent children from returning to the villages their parents left in search of hope.

Under the determined guidance of a talented, “€œno nonsense”€ WHO scientist, Dr. Lembit Rago, the one-stop worldwide regulatory approval…a first…was developed and accepted by recipient nations and shortly thereafter was required for AIDS financing.  In months, the system was not only in place but the doors were wide open to keep millions alive.

Only the United States objected and insisted on imposing an additional approval by the Food and Drug Administration for all AIDS medicines financed by their monies although the generic AIDS clone could not be used in the United States, delaying much needed support for three additional years, the time required for Cipla to have its generic products approved without change by the FDA. In the interim only the high priced brands were financed with U.S. funds, an unnecessary tragedy as millions of lives could have been saved in this period by WHO approved drugs available at 1 to 2% of the USA pricing.  With an approved FDA product, more than a dozen Indian companies submitted their products insuring continuous availability.

Today more than 8,000,000 people in Third World countries use the generic AIDS clone at a cost of under one hundred dollars a year.

One basic question lingers: who was responsible for allowing poor people to suffer and die in poor countries when affordable medicines were readily available?  No Pharma company, no politician, no nation should have the right to decide who lives and who dies in a pandemic.

One practical and commercial solution is on the horizon, “€œnegotiated pricing” between brand and generic companies in Third World markets.  If Pharma seriously contemplates a solution, one pragmatic solution is on the table: adopt the original stipulations of the DOHA declaration and allow their patents to be used with payment of a nominal royalty.

Silent Voices

For many years, advocates for AIDS treatment in Third World countries turned to the United Nations for help. There, early on, the late Richard Hollbroke, as U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., surprised the world by urging the Security Council, usually the forum for issues of war and peace, to add the human and political consequences of the AIDS pandemic to their agenda. Although his unique intervention won the Council’€™s support and was praised diplomatically and in the media many years passed until the U.N. finally convened a Conference on how to make AIDS medicines available but also decided generic companies could not attend the meeting.

Efforts to include the generic industry failed. On my last call I was bluntly told “€œwe are looking for a solution”€ and I was asked, not politely, not to call again.

Their Conference ended with a press conference but without a solution and the unaffordable cost of AIDS medicines was not changed.

Again, in Panama, after I gave a keynote speech to the Health Ministers of Latin American companies, I was pulled aside by the Panamanian Cabinet Minister who had organized the Conference.  In a voice that raged from anger to fury, he told me to leave the Conference. Why? Pharma’€™s observers were angry.

At a later date, Cabinet Ministers from all Latin American companies met to find an affordable solution to their AIDS crisis. Only one Brand Company with a non-AIDS interest remained after the Ministers explained they might authorize joint purchases in an effort to reduce the cost. They eventually decided $250, not $12,000 a year, would be appropriate.

India in the Crosshairs

From the first days of competition in the pharmaceutical industry, India has led the world in providing safe and affordable generic clones of branded medicines not only for the United States but for the poor and developing nations.

Literally, as “€œthe pharmacy of the world”€ Indian generic companies provide approximately forty percent of the medicines used in the United States and virtually all the affordable medicines sold in the Third World.

Once again, that tradition is facing determined political resistance by the multinational pharmaceutical companies and their legion of Congressional and business allies in the United States.  India, literally, is currently in the cross-hairs of a well-financed assault.

As a first-hand witness to this struggle, I believe Pharma wants nothing less than to strangle and annihilate generic competition in the Third World.  Pharma argues, falsely but effectively, that lower prices for medicines in the Third World will challenge the high cost of medicines in monopolized western nations and as a result, the industry will not have the financing to find new cures for diseases.

That argument is not only devious, but false, and remains the classic Pharma answer to almost all complaints. The hard, inescapable fact is that higher prices are not “€œset asides”€ for discovery or development of new medicines, but to enhance the value of brand-name stocks and to provide generous dividends to its stock holders.

Exploring for the truth of their classic response reveals another story: multinational pharmaceutical companies are historically and currently the most profitable industry in the world although many of their “€œdiscoveries”€ are rooted in Government research. The U.S. National Institutes of Health (NIH) spends about $31 billion a year on biomedical research.

Pharma companies, however, must be credited with converting some of this research into important medicines although their products too often focus on similar clusters of illness.  Peter Maybarduk, the program director of Public Citizen’€™s Global Access to Medicines, in a fascinating unwinding of Pharma’€™s alibis for monopoly pricing, noted:

“€œMonopoly pricing, in the case of many diseases, has led to a morally repugnant status quo in which many people die for lack of access to existing medicines. Unfortunately, patent holders frequently believe (rightly or wrongly) that they stand to make the greatest profits selling at very high prices to the few rather than at affordable prices to the many. This is certainly the case for industry pricing of several cancer medicines at issue in India (see below). In developing countries, including India and countries which rely on affordable Indian generics, these pricing practices lead to preventable suffering and death.”

The multinational pharmaceutical companies, worldwide, are not competing in a free market, but one sustained by monopolistic control, political power and intrigue and at the apex of their power is the twenty-year patent that limits competition in developed nations.  In the Third World Pharma is currently attempting to enhance its unofficial monopolies with patent protection but to insure control, Pharma must also suppress India’€™s ability and legal willingness to provide affordable medicines. That campaign is already underway.

India In Pharma’€™s Crosshairs

As noted earlier Pharma and its allies, including those in the Obama Administration, the U.S. Congress, the National Association of Manufacturers and the US Chamber of Commerce have now joined forces to prevent India from providing affordable medicines for Third World nations.

Until 1995, Indian law permitted generic companies to manufacture clones of branded medicines using procedures that did not violate patents, enabling affordable medicines to be sold both in India and exported to Third World countries.

In that year, with Pharma’€™s political and financial support, and at the urging of western nations led by the United States, India adopted a Western-style, twenty year patent law that will eventually terminate India’€™s ability to provide affordable new medicines for the poor and developing nations of the world. The consequences are understood, people will suffer and die because the medicines are unaffordable and potentially affordable clones are banned.

Pharma’€™s achievement did not evoke outrage in the West or in most of the Third World where it was accepted as inevitable. Supporters hailed the change as “€œa victory for free enterprise”€.  Others called it a “€œdeath sentence”€ for competition and affordable medicines.

For decades, as one writer noted, “€œIndia was a burr under Pharma’€™s saddle”€.  The multinational pharmaceutical companies believed the new law has removed that burr.

Legally, India’€™s rights are guaranteed by the World Trade Organization.

The World Trade Organization and TRIPS

The right of poor and developing nations to manufacture or import medicines in a crisis is guaranteed by the World Trade Organization (WTO) in its TRIPS Agreement (Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) and by the so-called “€œDoha Agreement”€ that unambiguously  allows a nation to be released from any restrictions, including patents, in order to meet pharmaceutical needs.

India Urgently Needs Help

Currently, Pharma has once again turned to the United States to prevent India from offering affordable prices for generic medicines in Third World nations. This time their target is India’€™s Supreme Court.

In late 2013, after seven years of study, India’€™s highest Court ruled against granting market exclusivity for “€œGleevac”€, a life-saving cancer medicine manufactured by Novartis. The medicine, the Court ruled, did not deserve a patent because it did not meet the basic requirement for a patent protection, innovation.

That decision brought into the open a classic, often used worldwide Pharma tactic…”€œtrick”€ is a more accurate word….to extend patent life of a product whose patent is expiring. Their manipulation of the law is called “€œEvergreening”€, the process frequently used to seek additional patent life for a product after its exclusivity ends.

In an attempt to obtain a new seventeen year patent, Pharma companies will add new ingredients to an existing product and apply for a new patent that is more frequently granted than denied.  The new product becomes the subject of a massive advertising campaign to physicians and others promoting claims that the “€œnew”€ product offers unique medical advantages.

The sole reason for the new patent is to maintain market share by blocking generic competition.

In the “€œGleevac”€ decision, the Supreme Court ruled, the added ingredients did not make the medicine “€œinnovative”€ and therefore not eligible for a new patent.

About the same time, exercising its established legal prerogative, India issued a “€œcompulsory license”€ (CP)  to an Indian company to manufacture and market “€œNexavar”€,  another cancer drug, one controlled by Bayer at a price that was unaffordable in India.

Use of a compulsory license mandate is not exclusive to India. A dozen nations have also awarded similar licenses to compensate for high prices on pharmaceuticals and other products.

In retaliation, Pharma and their allies demanded the U.S. Government and President Barack Obama classify India as a “€œPriority Foreign Country”€ the worst sanction possible, one that can result in a ban on the importation of India products into the United States.

The investigation was also requested by two powerful and influential Congressional Committees, Senate Finance, and the House Committee on Ways and Means.

The U.S. International Trade Commission (ITC) was quick to respond and held its first meeting last month and another is planned for next month.  The Commission promised to deliver recommendations from its “€œinvestigations”€ to the Congressional Committees by November 30, 2014.

The Commission is expected to rule against India.

The “€œThousand Dollar Pill”€

The high cost of cancer medications has left a raw nerve among patients and their physicians and the recent introduction of “€œSofosbuvir”€ became the straw that broke the camel’€™s back.

When taken with existing medicines “€œSofosbuvir”€ has the potential of curing “€œHepatitis C”€ a disease that afflicts 150,000,000 persons worldwide. But who will be able to afford it?  “€œSofosbuvir”€  will cost $84,000 for a twelve week treatment or one thousand dollars a pill.

WHO, in a rare statement on the cost of medicine said the new treatment “€œis unaffordable to most patients in need (and the) challenge now is to insure that everyone who needs these drugs can access them.”

The unanswered question remains “€œhow”€?  Hiding behind patents, Pharma has become immune to criticism knowing from previous attempts, no one has the ability to force change.  Along the way, Pharma has developed a powerful constituency among politicians who often use prepared cliches to equate challenges to high prices as a threat to democracy.

What’€™s Next?

Medically, in Third World countries, the shortage or absence of pediatric and adult cancer medicines calls out for immediate generic intervention. It is a problem generic companies and academic cancer scientists can solve. All the pieces of the puzzle are legally in place.

As a first step along the way, the relevant medical and scientific community should be assembled to create a pragmatic, “€œfirst step”€ formulary of pediatric and adult cancer drugs. The meeting should also include companies interested in manufacturing affordable medicines.

A distinguished “€œkeynote”€ speaker…and there are several now working with WHO… who could detail how Third World nations are legally entitled under TRIPS to either manufacture or import essential medicines, e.g., pediatric and adult cancer drugs.

With the legal rights explained, a panel of nations already using TRIPS or other rights to manufacture or import essential medicines can detail their practical experience. Brazil, Thailand and half a dozen other nations have already successfully navigated their potential to provide essential medicines.

The obvious forum is the World Health Organization in Geneva.

An updated list of essential cancer medicines should also be maintained by WHO.

Although it is possible, but not likely, WHO itself could urge Third World Nations to exercise their rights.

I am rather confident independent financing for the WHO meeting can be found.

Although I am of that clique that believes too many Conferences are held without accomplishing their stated goals, I believe the lack of available and affordable cancer medicines is pragmatic and do-able

The goal of a continuing flow of affordable medicines is not pointless idealism but with men like Dr. Hamied and Dr. Rago, success can be just around the corner if we are willing to take the time to find it.

# # # # # # # # # # # # #

 

* Haddad Bio

The media refers to Bill Haddad as “€œthe father of the modern generic industry”€ for initiating and negotiating “€œHatch-Waxman”€, the Drug Price and Patent Restoration Act that opened the closed door for generic competition in the United States. He led the Generic Industry Association for a dozen years and was CEO of Schein Pharmaceutical.  He is currently Chairman/CEO of Biogenerics.  He has worked closely with Dr. Hamied of Cipla, Ltd. to lower the cost of AIDS medicines.

Mr. Haddad won a dozen awards as an investigative reporter for the New York Post and the New York Herald Tribune. At the Tribune he exposed the cartel that controlled prices for tetracycline worldwide and Pfizer was eventually fined $200,000,000.  At the Post he was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize for exposing corruption in New York City’€™s slum clearance program and providing the evidence to send a high ranking public official to prison. At the Herald Tribune he located the secret papers exposing a world cartel controlling uranium prices that led to a Congressional investigation.

He was an assistant to Senator Estes Kefauver and later to Robert Kennedy and served as Inspector General of both the U.S. Peace Corps and the national poverty program. 

He was a Member of the New York City Board of Education.

News Link 93

 

The news links are part of the research project GESPAM (Geopolitica, Salute Pubblica e Accesso alle Medicine/Geopolitics, Public Health and Access to Medicines), which aims to focus on the best options for the use of trade and government rules related to public health by resource-limited countries

 

News Link 93

Improving Universal Access to Immunization: The role of France and the EU  

Health system cost of delivering routine vaccination in low- and lower-middle income countries: what is needed over the next decade? 

The immunization programme that saved millions of lives 

UNCTAD Review Of Bangladesh Calls For Drug Market Opening 

A new legal framework to promote the public-private partnership in the Democratic Republic of the Congo  

Private funding of humanitarian aid grows, emerging markets eyed 

Crowdfunding Definition  

The advent of crowdfunding innovations for development

7 Things You Should Know About Universal Health Coverage 

WHO holds emergency meeting as polio strikes anew 

Italy needs to clarify development cooperation strategy — OECD 

What Works in Malaria Control? 

Cooperazione sanitaria: Fnomceo mette a bando 50mila euro

Cooperazione sanitaria internazionale. G7 vs BRICS 

QUAMED NewsLetter May 2014 

Collaboration is key for new global tuberculosis strategy    

Johnson & Johnson Announces New Collaboration with Stop TB Partnership’s Global Drug Facility to Enhance Access to Anti-TB Compound  

Johnson & Johnson Global Health Programs  

ECOWAS and partners to boost the local production of quality medicines 

30 Years After Discovery of HIV Virus: The Vital Role of the Social Sciences  

What will it take to virtually eliminate sexual transmission of HIV by 2030? 

 

 

 

 

Nature, Nurture and DNA Sequences

This article is one entry into the cottage industry of patent law analysis that is generated by the Court’€™s unanimous decision in Association for American Pathologists v. Myriad Genetics. The author analyzes the decision and puts it in context, both present and the near future.  Although some find the decision devastating for the pharmaceutical and biotechnological industries, the ruling is not as fatal as some claim and sets the right course for the future of synthetic genetics

Nature, Nurture, and DNA Sequences

by Shubha Ghosh*

Vilas Research Fellow & Professor of Law and Elvehjem-Bascom Pofessor of Law

University of Wisconsin Law School

 

On June 13, 2013, the United States Supreme Court addressed the question of the patentability of DNA sequences.  The Court’€™s answer seems straightforward. Isolating a naturally occurring DNA sequence does not give rise to patentability while creating a synthetic DNA sequence might be patentable. While this response seems clear cut on the surface, the answer raised even more questions. This article is one entry into the cottage industry of patent law analysis that is generated by the Court’€™s unanimous decision in Association for American Pathologists v. Myriad Genetics.  Here, I analyze the decision and put it in context, both present and the near future.  Although some find the decision devastating for the pharmaceutical and biotechnological industries, the ruling is not as fatal as some claim and sets the right course for the future of synthetic genetics.

 

 Myriad Woes

In 1997 and 1998, Myriad Genetics was granted three patents related to identifying genetic sequences associated with susceptibility to breast and ovarian cancer.  These patents covered the isolated gene sequence as well as complementary DNA sequences (cDNA), both useful for identifying the presence of the various strains of the cancer gene in patients and diagnosing the susceptibility to breast and ovarian cancers.  Myriad marketed a diagnostic test for detecting the presence of the gene sequences.  The company also sued private and university hospitals and health care providers for patent infringement.

Myriad’€™s practices became the subject of media scrutiny.  Medical practitioners, patient rights advocates, and health care access proponents raised critical issues of high medical costs and patient’€™s right to know in questioning Myriad’€™s business and litigation strategies.  In 2009, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) filed a suit against Myriad, challenging its patents on First Amendment and other grounds.  However, the ACLU’€™s legal standing to challenge the patents was questioned since the ACLU would never practice the patents at issue and therefore could not be sued for patent infringement.  The Association for American Pathologists became the substituted plaintiff and the suit moved forward.

Spring 2010 marked the district court’€™s decision in the Myriad litigation and a turning point for biotechnology patenting. Judge Sweet of the Southern District of New York ruled that all of Myriad’€™s patents on DNA sequences were not patentable.  The ruling rested on established, if somewhat vague, precedent that natural phenomena are not patentable.  Judge Sweet reasoned that all DNA sequences whether isolated or synthetic were products of nature, indistinguishable from naturally occurring DNA sequences.  Therefore, Myriad’€™s patents should never have been granted.

Needless to say, the responses from patent practitioners, industry players and academics were fervent. Even those who may have skepticism about biotechnology patenting were floored by the breadth of Judge Sweet’€™s decision.  Those in the industry were for the most part stunned as the foundation for biotechnology developments were swept out from under the many companies that relied on patenting for funding and development.

Judge Sweet may have tapped into anti-patent sentiment.  In June, 2010, the Supreme Court published its long awaited decision in Bilski v. Kappos, dealing with business method patents. While there was unanimity as to holding invalid the particular business method at issue (a method for hedging risk in commodities markets), four of the justices would have gone further and ruled that all business methods unpatentable.  In 2012, the Supreme Court reviewed a patent on a medical diagnostic procedure to treat Crohn’€™s Disease held by the company Prometheus, who was alleging patent infringement by the Mayo Clinic.  The Court ruled that the patent was invalid because it entailed using a correlation that would be an unpatentable law of nature. Judge Sweet’€™s 2010 ruling foreshadowed these developments. Upon appeal to the Federal Circuit, which hears appeals of patent cases, Judge Sweet’€™s decision was upheld although on slightly different reasoning in 2011. Upon further appeal by Myriad to the Supreme Court, the case was sent back to the Federal Circuit in 2012 for reconsideration in light of the Court’€™s ruling in  Mayo v. Prometheus.

This back and forth of a case is not atypical in controversial areas of law.  In 2012, the Federal Circuit once again upheld the unpatentability of the DNA sequences identified by Myriad.  In its second review of the Myriad patents, the judges agreed that cDNA, or synthetic DNA sequences, would be patent eligible since they were not natural phenomena.  What was key to this ruling was the finding that research scientists at Myriad had to engage in inventive activity in constructing the synthetic DNA sequence.  Two of the three Federal Circuit judges ruling on the case also found that there was inventive activity in isolating the DNA sequence from its naturally occurring state.  One of the three, however, reasoned there was no difference between the isolated DNA sequence and the naturally occurring sequence.  Therefore, one dissenting judge concluded that isolated DNA sequences were not patentable.  The Supreme Court decided to review this opinion and issued its own, final opinion in June, 2013.

 

 Myriad Unanswered Questions

Two words describe the 2013 Supreme Court opinion: anticlimactic and frustrating. The anticlimax was in the Court’€™s conclusion that isolated DNA was not patentable while synthetic DNA could be. This conclusion followed as a matter of course from the Court’€™s precedent. What is frustrating is the reasoning supporting this conclusion.

In 1948, the Supreme Court ruled in a case called Funk Brother v. Kalo Inoculant Co. that a patent covering a combination of bacteria that facilitated nitrogen fixation in plants was a product of nature and therefore unpatentable.  The purported inventor in that case had simply combined naturally occurring substances and had not invented anything. This ruling was important in the Court’€™s 1980 decision, Diamond v. Chakrabrty, in which the Court addressed the question of whether a genetically modified bacterium was an unpatentable product of nature or a patentable invention.  The Court held that the inventor had modified the organism to create a new life form that did not exist in nature. Therefore, the new organism could be patented.  The Diamond decision is famous for the oft repeated line that “€œanything under the Sun made by man”€ is potentially patentable.

The Myriad decision is a logical extension of these precedents.  The Court had to determine whether the DNA sequences at issue were natural phenomena or man-made.  Its conclusion was that isolated DNA is a natural phenomenon and synthetic DNA is man-made. What is puzzling is how the nine justices came to this conclusion. The Court seems to rely on expert scientific testimony that was part of the record.  The opinion is steeped in a summary of the underlying science.  Interestingly, Justice Scalia refused to sign onto the scientific exegesis although he agreed with the result. What lesson then for future cases about DNA sequences, whether human, animal, or plant?

Two possibilities emerge from the opinion.  One is a comparison between the claimed DNA sequence and its natural counterpart.  If they are identical, then the claimed sequence is a natural phenomenon and unpatentable.  The Court seemingly engages in this mind numbingly complex comparison.  This approach is similar to how court’€™s attempt to determine whether one software program has been copied from another in a copyright infringement case.  As with copyright, the Court seems to be using a substantial similarity approach to comparing DNA sequences with their naturally occurring counterpart. Although there is a language in the opinion implying that such comparison is the appropriate methodology, this approach leaves open the question of how much similarity is enough.

The second possible approach to determining when a DNA sequence is patentable is to focus on the method for uncovering the sequence.  The Court emphasizes that isolating DNA sequences snipping the relevant sequence from its natural state, like extracting a mineral from the earth. Constructive synthetic DNA involves scientific activity. With respect to the isolated DNA, the Court rejects the approach of the Federal Circuit that a researcher has to determine where to snip the natural sequence in order to derive the isolated one. That decision was enough to make the isolated sequence man-made for the Federal Circuit.  But the Supreme Court does not view that decision as inventive enough. Extraction is not invention while synthesizing is.  That distinction seems to be the clearest answer the Supreme Court provides for distinguishing naturally occurring sequences from man-made ones.

In short, the Supreme Court applied a predictable and recognized rule in reaching its decision in the Myriad case.  But it is far from clear how this rule is to be applied in practice.  On the day the Supreme Court opinion was announced, within hours, the United States Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) issued a short memorandum to patent examiners summarizing the decision.  The memo tracks the Supreme Court’€™s reasoning by stating that patents would not be issued for merely isolating DNA sequences but patents were available for synthetic sequences.  The Office promises to issue further guidelines in the future.

 

 Myriad Speculation

One can hope that the USPTO provides some clarification on how to proceed. Needless to say there are some in the field who view the Myriad decision as devastating to biotechnology.  Some of this speculation is overwrought.  Since the Supreme Court concluded that patents on synthetic DNA, the future is not as gloomy as some foresee.  While it is true that merely identifying naturally DNA sequences cannot be the basis for a patent, researchers and inventors will have to put more effort in creating synthetic forms and in developing inventions that tap the DNA sequences that have been mined.  Arguably, such efforts can only enrich the industry and make the field more competitive and innovative.  More devastating would have been the Myriad decision issued twenty-five years ago when identification of genomes, human, animal, and plant, was in its infancy.  At that earlier limitations on patenting as we see in Myriad may have altered the field.  But since the future is in synthetic DNA and in applications of isolated sequences, two areas of invention left untouched by the opinion, the Supreme Court may have just shut the barn door when the naturally occurring horse has been let loose. Instead of bemoaning lost patents, attention should turn towards the future.  In that way, the Myriad decision may actually be ushering in the next stage of the genomic revolution.

 

References

Judicial Opinions

[1] Ass’€™n for Molecular Pathology v. Myriad Genetics, Inc., 133 S. Ct. 2107 (2013).

[2] Ass’n for Molecular Pathology v. U.S. Patent and Trademark Office, 653 F.3d 1329 (Fed. Cir. 2011).

[3] Ass’€™n for Molecular Pathology v. U.S. Patent and Trademark Office, 702 F.Supp.2d 181 (S.D.N.Y. 2010).

[4] Bilski v. Kappos, 130 S.Ct. 3218 (2010).

[5] Mayo Collaborative Services v. Prometheus Laboratories, Inc., 132 S.Ct. 1289 (2012).

[6] Funk Bros. Seed Co. v. Kalo Inoculant Co., 333 U.S. 127 (1948).

[7] Diamond v. Chakrabarty, 447 U.S. 303 (1980).

 

Websites

[101] USPTO Memorandum on the Supreme Court’€™s decision in Myriad,   http://www.patentlyo.com/files/myriad_20130613.pdf

 

—————————————————————————-

*Professor Shubha Ghosh brings a national and international reputation and over sixteen years of academic experience to University of Wisconsin, where he is Vilas Research Fellow & Professor of Law and Elvehjem-Bascom Pofessor of Law.   He has authored numerous scholarly articles and book chapters as well as several books in the fields of intellectual property, competition law and policy, international law, and legal theory.   His scholarship is among the most cited of the law school faculty. He is a member of the American Law Institute (ALI), American Antitrust Institute (AAI), American Intellectual Property Law Association (AIPLA), International Association for Advancement in Teaching and Research in Intellectual Property (ATRIP), past chair and co-founder of the AALS Section on Law & South Asian Studies, and member of the Executive Committee of the AALS Section on Internet and Computer Law. https://law.wisc.edu/profiles/ghosh7@wisc.edu  

News Link n. 92

The news links are part of the research project GESPAM (Geopolitica, Salute Pubblica e Accesso alle Medicine/Geopolitics, Public Health and Access to Medicines), which aims to focus on the best options for the use of trade and government rules related to public health by resource-limited countries

 

News Link 92

The Global Malaria Epidemic 

Almost a third of malaria drugs failed quality tests 

On the front line against drug-resistant malaria 

Development Effectiveness Review 2013: ZAMBIA 

The World Health Organization and multi-stakeholder governance. To be or not to be?  

Improving access to immunisation: how the GAVI Alliance can make a difference 

EU Commission: PUBLIC CONSULTATION ON THE PRELIMINARY OPINION ON DEFINITION PRIMARY CARE WITH EMPHASIS ON FINANCING SYSTEMS AND REFERRAL SYSTEMS

EU undermines its own development policies  

The Strange and Curious Grip of Country Income Status on Otherwise Smart and Decent People  

US, Japan Agree To “Inject New Momentum” Into TPP Talks 

UN Climate Change Report Assesses Options For Technology And IP Policy 

EU climate chief urges China to show commitment 

One Year On At The Medicines Patent Pool: Interview With Greg Perry

Heat-stable vaccines urgently needed to reach the one in five children missed by immunisation worldwide 

South Sudan children in the firing line 

Pfizer, Novartis and 3 others put an extra $1M each into Q1 lobbying 

Connected Health Opportunities For Medicaid’s Most Vulnerable Patients  

Access To Clean Water One Bag At A Time 

Fortified food – persuading the private sector to do good

Strong  new agricultural  investment rules  needed to protect  small-holder  farmers  

Food Security is About More than Land Grabs 

The missing key to eradicating poverty 

Why global health should embrace the global precariat 

From health systems to systems for health

Il dilemma dei donatori, dalla carità alla giustizia sociale  

 

 

 

 

 

Regional Integration, Patent Pools and Access to Medicines

This paper discusses how patent pools and regional integration can be deployed as mechanisms for assuaging the African access to medicines imbroglio

Regional Integration, Patent Pools and Access to Medicines

by  Olasupo Owoeye*

  Doctoral Researcher, Faculty of Law, University of Tasmania

Introduction

The connection between intellectual property protection and access to medicines remains a highly topical issue. Scarcity of medicines continues to be an issue of significant global concern. As noted in the World Health Statistics 2013:

Even the cost of the lowest-priced generics can put common treatments beyond the reach of low-income households in developing countries. The greatest price is paid by patients suffering chronic diseases. Even though effective treatments exist for the majority of conditions contributing to the global burden of chronic disease, universal access remains out of reach.

The pharmaceutical patents debate has attracted an inundating degree of commentaries and various recommendations have been made on how to maximise the use of the available flexibilities in international intellectual property law to make medicines available at affordable prices to people in developing countries. This paper discusses how patent pools and regional integration can be deployed as mechanisms for assuaging the African access to medicines imbroglio.

The TRIPS Agreement and the Pharmaceutical Patents Debate

The Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS Agreement) is the major international agreement on intellectual property protection with significant implications for access to medicines due to its unprecedented harmonisation of the standards for the protection of intellectual property rights in the 159 member countries of the World Trade Organization (WTO). A major flexibility available to developing countries that are seeking access to affordable patented medicines is the option of granting a compulsory or non-voluntary licence for the production of generic versions of patented drugs. Fulfilling the requirements for the use of compulsory licences can however be daunting especially where the country in need is without pharmaceutical manufacturing capacity and generic versions are not available from other sources. A country in such a situation will then have to import under the WTO decision on the Implementation of paragraph 6 of the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and public health or the Protocol Amending the TRIPS Agreement.

It would appear that developing countries with little or no manufacturing capacity may not be in a position to make maximum use of compulsory licences under the TRIPS Agreement especially where they have to import such drugs under the Doha paragraph-6 system. This is particularly so in Africa where many countries are still in the United Nation’€™s list of least developed countries. One must however hasten to add that the access to medicines problem in Africa is not all about patents or intellectual property protection. The administrative, economic and political environments in which the health sector operates in Africa are also a significant part of the problem.

Regional Integration and Patent Pools

Given the acute shortage of essential medicines in the continent, it is important for African nations to consider the development of a strong pharmaceutical manufacturing capacity as a top priority. Nonetheless, to address immediate and pressing public health needs, steps should be taken to achieve short-term public health goals in relation to access to affordable medicines in the continent. The procurement of essential medicines in Africa is an issue that deserves some substantial attention. In this respect, the patent pool option can be very helpful. A patent pool can be defined as an arrangement whereby two or more patent owners agree to aggregate or pool their patents and license them to one another or to independent third parties upon the payment of a given fee. The patent pool option has already been recommended as a mechanism countries seeking access to affordable medicines might want to explore. Patent pools can serve a useful purpose in facilitating the use of voluntary licensing at cheaper rates. For Africa, the various existing regional economic communities can obtain voluntary licences from patent pools to meet their public health needs. There currently exist the following 8 regional economic communities in Africa:

  1. the Community of Sahel-Saharan  States (CEN-SAD);
  2. the Common Market for  Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA);
  3. the East African Community (EAC);
  4. the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS);
  5. the Economic Community Of West  African States (ECOWAS);
  6. the Intergovernmental Authority on  Development (IGAD) in Eastern Africa;
  7. the Southern African Development  Community (SADC); and
  8. the Union du Maghreb Arabe (UMA)

These communities can obtain licences from patent pools to supply drugs to member countries within each community at affordable rate. It has already been suggested in another article that the amalgamation of the existing regional economic communities in Africa into a single community can go a long way in facilitating the use of compulsory licences and the development of a strong pharmaceutical manufacturing capacity in the continent. Such an economic alliance can also go a long way in giving African nations leverage in negotiating the terms of voluntary licences, especially from patent pools, whilst facilitating the bulk procurement of essential medicines for the continent.

The United Nations’€™ supported Medicines Patent Pool (MPP) is a good example of a patent pool that holds great prospects for Africa and the continent can benefit immensely from the licensing schemes administered by the MPP. The Medicines Patent Pool signed its first licence agreement with a pharmaceutical patent holder, Gilead Sciences, in July 2011. The licence covers active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs) and product licences for Gilead Sciences antiviral agents including; tenofovir (TDF), emtricitabine (FTC), cobicistat (COBI), elvitegravir (EVG) and the Quad [a combination of TDF, FTC, COBI, and EVG]. Not less than six sub-licences have already been granted pursuant to the agreement. In August 2013, another agreement was signed with F. Hoffmann-La Roche for the sale of Valganciclovir, an antidote for HIV related cytomegalovirus infections, at considerably discounted rates in poor countries and the licensing of the right to manufacture generic versions of the drug. In December 2013, the MPP signed an agreement with a pharmaceutical company, Bristol-Myers Squibb to increase access to a major HIV drug, atazanavir, in up to 110 developing countries through a technology transfer package that will facilitate the production of the drug. More recently on 1 April 2014, the MPP and ViiV Healthcare signed two licensing agreements to improve access to dolutegravir (DTG), a new antiretroviral for both adult and paediatric care.

Conclusion

Although the MPP only covers patented anti-retroviral drugs, the licensing schemes available in the MPP can be highly beneficial to Africa and a collaborative use of the scheme by the existing African economic communities is highly recommended. Whilst patent pools may not necessarily enhance the use of compulsory licences, they can substantially reduce the costs of voluntary licensing thereby reducing the need for compulsory licences and the financial burden involved can be considerably reduced if African regional economic communities could jointly apply for licences on behalf of their member countries. Patent pools initiatives can also be developed to cover other tropical diseases affecting people in Africa. Thus, although the development of a long term local pharmaceutical manufacturing plan in Africa is a desideratum, African countries can still address immediate and pressing public health needs by having a collaborative framework for making maximum use of the current initiatives for facilitating access to medicines in developing countries.

—————————————————————————– 

*Dr. Olasupo Owoeye (olasupo.owoeye@utas.edu.au) is currently completing his doctoral research in international intellectual property law at the Faculty of Law, University of Tasmania, Australia. He is admitted as a barrister and solicitor in Nigeria, New Zealand and Australia

What is behind the sudden Global Marketplace call for Universal Health Care: Co-opting in the making

After setting up the public health infrastructure to fail, the World Bank and their allies are proposing a new solution: to create a publicly funded insurance package using the now expanded network of private providers, who will participate in the program, as long as they are guaranteed payment. While reinforcing the notion that healthcare is a commodity and not a basic human right, this approach has several problems and side effects: fragmentation of care, higher cost, precedence of procedures over preventive medicine and further dismantling of the public healthcare system. At the same time, insurance packages divert attention and funds from a more comprehensive approach directed at modifying the root causes of disease, through socioeconomic interventions aimed at increasing equity

What is Behind the Sudden Global Marketplace Call for Universal Health Care: Co-opting in the Making

      by David Chiriboga*, MD, MPH

Former President of the Health Council for the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and former Minister of Health of Ecuador

       

Universal health care (UHC), meaning equal access to healthcare services for all, has been a longstanding demand from progressive movements around the world, for whom health is considered a basic human right and not a commodity to be privatized for economic gain. The neoliberal policies of “€œfiscal responsibility”€ promoted by the World Bank focus on decreasing public spending on social programs, with public healthcare services among the main targets. This has caused massive privatization of healthcare services worldwide and severely limited access for the poor. Why is there an apparent change of heart of the World Bank and the global corporate interests? Why do these organizations now seem to be rallying in support for UHC?

The answer to this change in heart stems from the understanding of the economic impact of “€œinvesting in health,”€ since the healthcare industry can be a significant component of economic growth, and when people have access to healthcare people live longer, and they produce and consume more. Global corporate interests have one goal: increased returns, and the best way to achieve this, aside from maximizing profit margins, is by increasing market share. As many other industries, including the tobacco and fast food industry, the healthcare industry, currently around a USD $7 trillion industry worldwide, with its related corporations (pharmaceutical industry, medical devices and equipment, and private insurance) are targeting previously untapped populations: the large pool of poor people in “€œthird-world”€ countries, where over 3/4ths of the world’€™s population reside. A strategy to access that market share is to implement insurance packages, ideally publicly funded, since the poor have minimal out-of-pocket resources. These insurance packages tend to cover few specific conditions that affect certain high-risk population groups, like women of childbearing age and young children. However, many of these resource-poor countries have precarious public healthcare systems that have been severely undermined by the very same austerity policies put forward by the World Bank over two decades ago. After setting up the public health infrastructure to fail, the World Bank and their corporate and academic allies are proposing a new solution: to create a publicly funded insurance package using the now expanded network of private providers, who will participate in the program, as long as they are guaranteed payment. This will not only strengthen the private network, but will increase the market share of healthcare corporations, while reinforcing the notion that healthcare is a commodity and not a basic human right.

Although this approach may in fact save lives, albeit selectively, publicly funded insurance packages, delivered by private providers, have several problems and side effects: fragmentation of care, higher cost, precedence of procedures over preventive medicine and further dismantling of the public healthcare system. At the same time, insurance packages divert attention and funds from a more comprehensive approach directed at modifying the root causes of disease, through socioeconomic interventions aimed at increasing equity, since socioeconomic injustice is directly responsible for over one third of deaths in the world, about 20 million avoidable deaths each year, for the past 20 years. Investing on improving socioeconomic inequality could have an enormous impact on overall health and wellbeing that providing partial health insurance does not address.

Insurance packages provoke fragmentation of healthcare services and its associated health disparities under the banner of progressive (a little at a time) universalization, since they cover only specific services in restricted population subgroups. This causes huge gaps in care even within families, if a family member who is not a young woman or a child of a specific age group, the family will have to struggle to access the now dismantled public healthcare sector, or pay out-of-pocket for the private services. Similarly if the woman or child who is insured suffers an illness that is not covered, they are left to fend for themselves. Since eighty percent of the world population live on less than US $10 per day, when a serious illness strikes in this already vulnerable population, oftentimes, not even selling all their possessions and going into debt will cover the full cost.

As part of the neoliberal mandate, reimbursing private providers’€™ services takes priority in the government’€™s budget, therefore private doctors and hospitals, as well as the pharmaceutical industry, and the medical device and equipment companies, get reimbursed for their services first. In the meantime, public services continue on their downward spiral of quality due to chronic underfunding, decaying physical and technological infrastructure and brain drain. As a result, the private sector starts booming, since through the insurance packet the government picks up the tab, effectively subsidizing private practice, further distorting the notion of a rational, equitable healthcare system.

The packages cover for the most part procedures, and procedures will be done even if medically not indicated, as the mounting evidence shows, among a “€œcadre”€ of overbilling abuses, even in countries with strong regulatory agencies. An analogy could be drawn to having fire departments and firemen paid on the basis of the number of fires: it would become a system with perverse incentives. Therefore there is a need for a strong oversight, but, given that there are no appropriate governmental agencies to supervise the system, again as direct a result of the fiscal austerity policies and corruption, the usual prescription from the neoliberal cookbook will be to find a private third-party hired to do the job. Even with regulatory agencies in place there is growing evidence that in general they are seldom effective and tend to not be able to keep up with their mandate.

The end result is that by using publicly-funded health insurance packages, there is an effective co-opting of the term universal health care, shifting from a human rights’€™ approach, towards the private sector, for profit-€“healthcare becomes a product that can be bought or sold. Therefore the World Bank and associates’€™ new proposal is yet another attempt at privatization of healthcare services, this time using government subsidies. Since the public sector has been set up to fail and deemed ‘inefficient’, the private sector appears to save the day.

The private sector and its proponents claim that individual freedoms of both providers and patients are essential. Initially individual physicians may have the power to make decisions about practice patterns as well as pricing of services and procedures. As the private health market progresses, physicians groups take over that role and subsequently, the decision-€“making power shifts to insurance companies and healthcare corporations. Most physicians and other healthcare providers become salaried employees and have progressively less of a say on how business is run. Providers increasingly clash with the demands of meeting their daily quota of patients, while finding that sometimes even clinical decisions on individual patients are taken remotely by administrators, who respond to institutional financial needs and not always patient needs. As for the freedom of the population to choose providers in the private sector, the freedom is related to the purchasing power of the individual and to the type of insurance. As a general rule, the wealthier the person, the better the choices, otherwise, type of insurance, co-payments and caps progressively limit choice, and in the case of severe illnesses or catastrophic events, bankruptcy ensues. Individuals with public insurance tend to have little freedom of choice.

As the public insurance package only covers certain needs that selected high-risk individuals may have, the rest of the population fall prey to the supplemental private insurance market. Before the era of medical insurance the price of private services and procedures was limited by the out-of-pocket capacity of the population, however, with insurance this market safeguard has disappeared and allowed the price of procedures and services across the board to skyrocket, since now it is not just the cost of the procedure or the service, but the added compensation for an intermediary. Supplemental insurance is yet another way in which insurance package progressive UHC works for the private sector. Ultimately, people may end up having to pay several times for their healthcare services: first, in the form of taxes to finance the public services and limited insurance packages (a progressive tax); second, as workplace health insurance (social security and private insurance, which tend to be regressive -€“USD $300 a month per person is not the same percentage of the salary for a factory worker than it is for a corporate CEO); a third time as private supplemental insurance, also regressive, to cover the gaps in basic public and private insurance; and, finally, a fourth time, as out-of-pocket costs, for everything that is not covered by any of the preceding programs.

Health insurance packages are a method to induce progressive dependence on insurance companies. Once they are able to introduce the basic package, the rest will follow. They create a “€œneed”€ by inducing fear of having to confront the high costs of private healthcare-€“made higher through their participation. They also market their services to providers as physicians and hospitals welcome the security of reimbursement, even if it means splitting the earnings to a point dictated by the size of the group practice. If the government subsidizes the initial package, this is welcome news, and the private insurance market is there to feed on fear, promising progressive coverage for the right asking price. Insurance companies thrive with low risk coverage (young and healthy individuals) and tend to use unethical “€œcherry picking”€ practices to avoid insuring those at higher risk, like pre-existing conditions, complications of deliveries, neonatal care, cancer, etc., either by refusing coverage or by applying event, yearly or life ‘€˜caps’€™ on reimbursement and progressively increasing the price tag. As happens with the rest of the corporate world, these companies usually have little governmental oversight and regulation, even in high-income countries.

Another issue with the insurance package UHC, delivered by private providers is the creation of double standards. As the private sector gets stronger with the cash infusion from the government, it becomes more selective and tends to favor patients who have private insurance, since public insurance packages reimburse a lesser amount. In response to the progressive discrimination of the “€œpoor”€ in the healthcare setting, the government has to setup economic stimulus, in the form of grants, for non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to compete over federal funding every year to provide healthcare services to the poor. This situation occurs in the United States (US) with the Medicaid program, a public insurance program in the US, which reimburses private providers for healthcare services. Many private providers stop taking care of patients with Medicaid insurance because the reimbursement is less. Therefore the system does not provide equal access. Not only double standards in terms of access, but there are many reports of public insurance holders receiving substandard healthcare services as compared to the private insurance holders.

Cost containment is an increasing concern, however, in a government-funded progressive UHC system delivered through private providers, there is limited opportunity to use the purchasing power in price negotiations for medications, medical supplies, devices and equipment. It is definitely not the same to buy, pain medication, anti-retroviral or chemotherapeutic agents for one hospital or even a group of hospitals, than it is to buy for the entire healthcare network of a country or even a continental region. The same applies to medical supplies, devices, and equipment, from blood pressure monitors to magnetic resonance imaging scanners. Given current levels of health expenditure we cannot afford not to use the leverage of a government or a continental region to control expenditures. Along the same lines of cost containment for the long run, and under the premise of health as a basic human right from a global perspective, novel and ethical ways of thinking about the outdated international patent system are required. International laws to defend the public domain, pool patents, and facilitate the strategic development of national or regional not-for-profit production of pharmaceuticals, as well as medical devices and health technology and equipment.

The end result of using this progressive UHC based on insurance packages and delivered through private providers is a highly complex, extremely expensive, procedure-based, publicly-subsidized private healthcare system, with a plethora of primary and supplemental private insurance companies, healthcare corporations, managed care organizations, private and public control agencies; with a struggling, disjointed yet massive administrative maze, in a frantic quest for quality assurance and cost containment. In the US, the richest country on the planet, and probably the most important exponent of healthcare as a commodity, the end product is not a system but an intricate patchwork scheme, with a price tag of around USD $3 trillion, or 18% of its GDP in healthcare.

That is with about 47 million non-elderly adults (15% of the population) devoid of any form of health insurance, either public or private. After the enactment of President’s Obama Affordable Care Act, which makes it compulsory to purchase health insurance or face tax penalties – a regressive measure, the number of uninsured dropped to 40 million. These uninsured people in the US are not poor enough to qualify for public insurance but neither have enough income to afford private insurance. In 2013, according to the US Institute of Medicine, in spite of this massive expenditure people in the US have shorter lives and poorer health than people in other high-income nations, making it not only an inefficient but also an economically unsustainable model.       

 On the other hand, in Europe, where there has been a longer tradition of health as a human right and of comprehensive UHC systems, with a mixture of public and private providers, there is a real danger of insurance companies gaining market share and causing and deepening fissures in the public system by selling supplemental health insurance, to either “€œjump the queue or other forms of preferential treatment, preying on the limitations of public systems. As long as health is treated as a commodity, there will be double standards based on one’s ability to pay. Unlike most merchandise which we choose to purchase or not, all of us will need to use the healthcare system at some point, and when we do it needs to be accessible to all, effective and compassionate.

There is much to learn from successes and failures of universal healthcare systems across the globe. Those that succeed honor the right to health and recognize that economic injustice accounts for a significant proportion of morbidity and mortality, and by investing in the social determinants of health: sanitation, housing, education, job security, access to quality food, alternative urban planning, pollution control, among others, countries can improve health and overall wellbeing to a much greater extent than through healthcare services in and of themselves.

There are enormous challenges ahead for a mature, ethical world, which acts on universal societal principles, abiding by all basic human rights, so that we can provide the best possible level of physical, psychological and social wellbeing for all, while preserving our world for generations to come. To negate the catastrophic effect on our planet of having unregulated sustained economic growth and GDP as the sole goals is tantamount to insanity. We need an urgent change of course. We need to reclaim our say in the political realm and not let self-serving, economic, corporate and partisan interests dictate our fate and that of our planet. We will be responsible either way.

Citizens of countries with universal health care have a historical duty to defend true UHC from private co-opting, as an expression of their right to health, by participating in the search for creative solutions to the limitations of the current system, and by not giving in to the private market equivocation, a responsibility shared by governments of those countries, and international democratic organizations like the World Health Organization. Publicly funded insurance packages are NOT equal to universal health care and rather pursue the consolidation of the private healthcare sector and the health-associated corporations. So yes, we need universal health care (meaning for all people), through appropriate funding mechanisms, like fair regressive taxation, and developing a sensible, straightforward, ordered healthcare system based on the ethics of equity. A system that promotes, facilitates and rewards excellence in service; that is centered in health promotion and disease prevention, and which includes the active participation of the population in its design and implementation. Health is a basic human right, not an article of trade.

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*Dr. Chiriboga obtained his doctorate degree in medicine at Escuela de Medicina de la Universidad Central del Ecuador, and his postgraduate training in Preventive Medicine and in Public Health at the University of Massachusetts Medical School and School of Public Health. He held academic appointments at the University of Massachusetts Medical School. He designed and implemented a comprehensive healthcare system for the indigenous people in central Ecuador 1988-2001.  He served as Minister of Health in Ecuador (2010-11) where he undertook a major re-structure of the healthcare system of the country. He also served as President of the Health Council for the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) 2010, bringing key draft resolutions regarding generic medicines and research and development of medicines for neglected diseases approved by the World Health Assembly.  Dr. Chiriboga was the keynote speaker at the European Union Conference in Global Health held in Brussels in 2010. His interests include global health equity, the development of affordable universal health care systems, as well as multi-sectorial prevention strategies. 

 

 

News Link 91

The news links are part of the research project GESPAM (Geopolitica, Salute Pubblica e Accesso alle Medicine/Geopolitics, Public Health and Access to Medicines), which aims to focus on the best options for the use of trade and government rules related to public health by resource-limited countries

 

News Link 91

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