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The news links are part of the research project GESPAM (Geopolitica, Salute Pubblica e Accesso alle Medicine/Geopolitics, Public Health and Access to Medicines), which aims to focus on the best options for the use of trade and government rules related to public health by resource-limited countries

 

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German NGO says TTIP will undermine global food security 

TTIP bad for health says civil society 

European Patent Reform Forum September 11, 2014 

EU development committee tackles 2015 priorities 

Editing ODA: What to Omit and Add in the Definition of Aid 

The strange relationship between global warming denial and… speaking English  

Developing sustainable environments despite budget constraints 

Leaked World Bank lending policies ‘environmentally disastrous’ 

Abundance Of Latin American Candidates For Senior WIPO Post

From food aid to nutritious, locally produced food: A look at fortifying flour in Ethiopia 

Report: Italy ‘overzealous’ in reporting EU farm fraud cases 

Ottawa tells Oxfam to stop trying to prevent poverty 

The BRICS move forward 

Narendra Modi government now wants a SAARC bank 

India IP Policy Misrepresented By US Trade Representative, Indian Pharma Says 

The E15 Initiative Strengthening the Global Trade System 

Competition Analyses of Licensing Agreements. Considerations for Developing Countries under TRIPS

Rapporto sull’attuazione della Piattaforma d’Azione di Pechino Rilevazione quinquennale: 2009-2014. Cosa veramente è stato fatto in Italia  

AIDS 2014: Financing the new global HIV treatment vision – advocacy and economics  

Economic interventions for HIV prevention 

Building social capital to improve health and reduce HIV risk 

Systematically excluded: young women’s experiences of accessing child support grants 

New Medicines Patent Pool-Gilead Agreement For New HIV Drug In 112 Countries   

GSK seeks approval for world’s first malaria vaccine 

Health Policy Briefs Update

The Political Determinants of Health

The root causes of health inequities are to be found in weaknesses in political domains at the supranational level. These include: democratic deficit, weak accountability, institutional stickiness, missing institutions and restricted policy space for health. Achieving health equity is not just a matter of coming up with technical solutions and providing the means to finance them.  We have to consider the political landscape and rectify the dysfunctions in global governance that undermine health

The Political Determinants of Health

by Ole Petter Ottersen*

and Desmond McNeill**

University of Oslo

 

 

The Millennium Development Goals report 2014 was launched in early July. The report shows that in the course of 22 years, annual number of under 5 deaths fell from 12 to 6.6 million while the global maternal mortality ratio was nearly halved, from 380 to 210 maternal deaths per 100 000 livebirths. Causes of progress are manifold, but setting clear goals has inspired, so much so that many talk of removing health inequities in a generation. Bill Gates, for one, articulates ambitions of this scale, as does the WHO Commission on the Social Determinants of Health.

It is tempting to make the assumption that the positive development will continue unabated, provided that due efforts are made to sustain or even increase funding of targeted initiatives such as those embedded in the Millennium Development Goals.  However, in a changing world, extrapolations are fraught with difficulties. We have seen it in Syria, where polio was near eradication but now develops into a major health emergency. We have seen it in Greece, where health suffers in the wake of the austerity measures. And we saw it in the many countries that experienced a wave of hunger and malnutrition due to the food price volatility in 2008-€2009. Recent history is replete with setbacks, and we need to pause and reflect on why.

Such an exercise reveals that root causes of health inequities are to be found in political domains outside of the health sector.  We are talking about dysfunctions in global governance that negatively impact health.  These dysfunctions were put under scrutiny by the Lancet-University of Oslo Commission that released its report in February this year. Based on the analysis of a number of cases the commission concludes that health is impacted by five major dysfunctions in governance at the supranational level: democratic deficit, weak accountability, institutional stickiness, missing institutions and restricted policy space for health.  These weaknesses hamper or undermine the efforts of the global health system and constitute what we call the political origins of health inequity.

Let’s take the last point as an example: restricted policy space for health. An increasing number of decisions are taken at the supranational level, and many of these decisions constrain the policy space of nations. A primary obligation of a nation state is to safeguard the health of their population, but its ability to do so is easily thwarted when health is subordinated to other goals, primarily economic ones. Austerity measures have been mentioned.   But trade agreements may similarly diminish policy space for health if they are put together without due consideration of the short or long term consequences for the health sector. Once signed, a trade agreement proves difficult if not impossible to change, even when inadvertent health effects come to the fore. The Commission used the TRIPS agreement (Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) as a case in point and as an example of “€institutional stickiness”€.

Trade agreements and foreign investment treaties also serve to illustrate other major dysfunctions of global governance that negatively impact health. Agreements and treaties that will ultimately affect large populations are often drafted without due transparency. There is a democratic deficit and weak accountability. Further, the Commission points out that institutions that could hold transnational corporations responsible for activities that interfere with health, are nascent or missing. There are powerful forces beyond the health sector that determine health, and there are substantial voids in global governance that leave these forces unchecked.

It is this political dimension of health that the Lancet-University of Oslo commission brings to the fore.

The commission argues that for ambitions to be realized, we have to ensure that there is global governance for health -€ i.e., that we have a global governance system that is conducive to the efforts of the health sector and of the numerous private-public initiatives that target specific health challenges.  Achieving health equity is not just a matter of coming up with technical solutions and providing the means to finance them.  We have to consider the political landscape and rectify the dysfunctions that undermine health.

To trace the political origins of health inequities the commission identified and discussed seven different cases, derived from political arenas outside of the health sector: foreign investment treaties, transnational corporate activity, immigration policies, violent conflict, food security and agriculture, intellectual property rights, economic crises and responses. When each arena is considered individually, it comes as no surprise that decisions taken therein significantly influence health.  It is when these seven arenas are seen in context that a pattern emerges and an awareness is instilled about the cross-sectoral nature of the global governance dysfunctions impacting health.  Only by taking a broad view across sectors was it possible for the Commission to recognize the five dysfunctions referred to above. These are dysfunctions that cut through the global governance system at large.

The value of narrowing down common denominators is obvious: we should be better able to find appropriate remedies in order to rectify what now stands as a defective global governance system for health. For the next move, timing is of the essence. The preparations for the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) are well under way, and it is of paramount importance that these goals are formulated with due attention to the shortcomings of global governance.  For improvements to occur, there will be a need for concrete and quantifiable milestones. We will need to identify parameters and indicators by which we can measure progress when it comes to democratic involvement, accountability, institutional flexibility and policy space for health – i.e., across the dimensions identified above. This will not be an easy task. But it is a task from which we cannot shy away.

The Commission came up with a number of recommendations, the most essential of which is the establishment of an Academic Monitoring Panel. As we now see it, this panel should take responsibility for making the next move and help ensure that the political root causes of health inequities are duly taken into account when new policies are being worked out.

The panel should be mandated with the following tasks:

1. Revisit the political arenas analyzed by the commission, with the aim of providing concrete and proactive measures to safeguard health;

2. Carry out, solicit, or inspire high quality research, so as to deepen our understanding of the scale and nature of the global governance dysfunctions that impact health;

3. In order to avoid repetition or overlap, these tasks should be based on a comprehensive review of the efforts and initiatives that are currently being made to coordinate governance for health across political arenas outside of the health sector.

Point #1 acknowledges the complexity of the issues at hand and the need for much more research to truly understand how decision making at the supranational level affects health. Point #2 is based on the belief that high quality research should inform political choices. Point #3 is important, as the Panel should seek to fill a void rather than be seen as a body competing with existing initiatives or with WHO or other institutions in the health sector. Trade agreements and foreign investment treaties could be the first cases for the panel to revisit.  By assessing health impacts of trade agreements in nascendi, the panel could help decision makers strike a balance between narrow economic goals and the need to safeguard and provide policy space for health.

It is important to note that the Panel should be truly independent and genuinely academic.  As such, it should not be normative and assume an activist role, but rather inspire to action through high quality research and analyses.  When confronted with hard evidence of health impact, it will prove difficult for decision makers to solely pursue restricted economic goals. And when confronted with hard evidence of the cross-sectoral nature of health, it will prove difficult for the architects of the SDG to avoid bringing global governance in as an important element. Health is biology, and technology has much to contribute to its improvement, but health is also inextricably coupled to politics on the grand scale. These are two views of health that today stand as utterly disconnected. The post-2015 agenda must be where the twain should meet and productively interact.

 

————-

*Ole Petter Ottersen, Professor MD, PhD, President of the University of Oslo and Chair of the Lancet-University of Oslo Commission on Global Governance for Health

**Desmond McNeill, Professor PhD, Centre for Development and the Environment, University of Oslo, Commissioner, University of Oslo Commission on Global Governance for Health

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The news links are part of the research project GESPAM (Geopolitica, Salute Pubblica e Accesso alle Medicine/Geopolitics, Public Health and Access to Medicines), which aims to focus on the best options for the use of trade and government rules related to public health by resource-limited countries

 

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War on drugs: collateral damage  

UNAIDS: The Gap Report

What to Expect at This Year’s International AIDS Conference 

Medicines Patent Pool Signs 7 New Sub-Licences For Generic HIV Drugs  

HIV 2014: Science, Community and Policy for Key Vulnerable Populations  

Global Fund Results Show Strong Gains 

The right to privacy in the digital age: Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

MAKING HUMAN RIGHTS RADICAL AGAIN: THE ROLE OF SCIENCE, PASSION AND COMMITMENT (PART 2 OF 3) 

TPP: Still a Terrible Deal for Poor People’s Health 

4 ways agricultural development groups can invest in land rights

With 51 Ratifications, Nagoya Protocol To Enter Into Force In October  

Codex Alimentarius Commission – Geneva 14-18 July 2014 

Building food security in Ethiopia 

What China’s shift away from self-sufficiency means for African agriculture  

Climate policy in focus ahead of UN September summit 

BRICS Countries Launch New Development Bank 

BRICS Forges Ahead With Two New Power Drivers – India and China 

Building the whole picture of China’s growing ODA 

5 things you need to know about the New Development Bank

The new BRICS Bank should offer a new vision for development, not more of the same  

MSF calls on BRICS countries to prioritize health and access to medical innovation  

How to make the EU-West Africa trade partnership work

5 Things You Can Do Today to Empower Women in Poverty   

Diritti civili e HIV: il caso dell’Uganda 

Oltre gli sbarchi. Per un Piano nazionale dell’accoglienza 

 

 

Philippines: European Development Cooperation Should Not Support Commercialisation of Health Care Exacerbating Inequality

The current privatization policies of the Philippine government do not provide an answer to the enormous health needs. Despite the name of the Philippine "€œUniversal Health Care"€ program that claims to "€œbring equity and access to critical health services to poor Philippinos"€, commercialisation of health services will do exactly the opposite. Unfortunately, the European Commission is supportive of these policies and formerly approved a contribution of  € 33 million in support of the Health Sector Reform Agenda of the Philippine government

Philippines: European Development Cooperation Should Not Support Commercialisation of Health Care Exacerbating Inequality

 by Natalie Van Gijsel*

Campaign and Policy Officer at Medecine Pour le Tiers Monde (M3M)

Today, in the Philippines, 28 women out of 100 do not enjoy skilled attendance during delivery, a situation showing a glaring lack of access to healthcare. While in Belgium each year 8 mothers die of pregnancy-related causes, in the Philippines 8 mothers die every day. Every day 194 children under five years die in the Philippines, compared to one child per day in Belgium. Especially the poorest of the poor die without ever having seen a doctor.

Philippine civil society criticizes Public Private Partnership approach

The Aquino government claims that “public-private partnerships (PPP)”1 are the only alternative to meet the health needs and the continuing population growth in the Philippines. By outsourcing public hospitals to the commercial sector2, as announced by Health Minister Enrique Ona, one wants to save on government spending, while progressing in public health outcomes. All 72 public hospitals in the Philippines would be eligible for privatization.

However, according to local organisations – IBON, Gabriela, Council for Health and Development (CHD) and Advocates for Community Health -€“ the current privatization policies of the Philippine government do not provide an answer to the enormous health needs. Despite the name of the Philippine “€œUniversal Health Care”€ program that claims to “€œbring equity and access to critical health services to poor Philippinos”€, commercialisation of health services will do exactly the opposite and leave the poor behind.

What is the role of the European Union?

The European Commission (EC), being a big donor in Overseas Development Assistance to the Philippines, is supportive of the current health sector reforms in the Philippines and formerly approved a contribution of € 33 million in support of the Health Sector Reform Agenda of the Philippine government. The latest published Philippine-EU Strategy Paper (2007-2013) stated that “€œfurther privatisation is critical and urgent”€ (p.18).

The “€œAgenda For Change€ of the European Union’s Development Cooperation (Directorate General Devco) -in line with the 1993 World Bank Report ‘Investing in Health’– is pushing for more involvement of the private sector. In the document it is written how “€œthe EU should develop new ways of engaging with the private sector, notably with a view to leveraging private sector activity and resources for delivering public goods”€, including health care provision. According to the Agenda For Change, the EU should “€œcatalyse public-private partnerships and private investment”€. References are made to imposing stricter conditionalities on the development aid provided, “€œthrough a range of aid instruments, notably ‘€˜sector reform contracts'”€. In a recent press release Andris Piebalgs, the European Commissioner for Development, confirmed the urge for “€œA Stronger Role of the Private Sector in Achieving Inclusive and Sustainable Growth in Developing Countries”, stating that “€œThe private sector has a crucial role to play in helping people to lift themselves out of poverty (…), ensuring that businesses find an enabling environment to invest more, and more responsibly, in developing countries to help everyone enjoy the economic opportunities which the private sector can bring”€.

Commercialization increases inequalities in access to health care

The most disadvantaged populations in the Philippines live in slums in the cities. People migrate to the city in search for work opportunities and a better life. But what they find is poverty, a life in unsanitary conditions and exposure to pollution. Although slum dwellers are the most vulnerable to diseases, they have the least access to health care.

The commercial sector in the Philippines invests mostly in specialized hospitals in the cities. Rural areas, where the majority of the population lives, and preventive primary health care are being overlooked by the private-for-profit sector. In addition, one has to pay high fees for health care by private for-profit providers, while user fees have been proven to result in low utilisation of and exclusion from health care and further  impoverishment. The rural and urban poor are then pushed to rely on the underfunded public health sector or poorly regulated informal providers.

The outsourcing of healthcare to commercial investors goes at the expense of the public sector; it is diverting resources away from the public sector. First of all, the private-for-profit sector entices health workers away from the public sector by offering better working conditions and higher salaries3.The Philippines also train health workers en masse for export. So there is a net surplus of health workers, but through the “brain drain” the poor in urban and rural areas are left behind with a shortage of doctors and nurses. Secondly, increasing commercial sector involvement replaces Philippine public expenditure for health care. For reasons of diversion of resources away from the public sector, public health care provision is often of poor quality. A two-tier health system with commercial facilities for the better off and underfunded public services for the poor raises concerns of equity and social justice in health care access. Considering that the health system, being an important social determinant of health equity, can increase or reduce  inequities in health outcomes.

Does the private-for-profit sector provide better quality health care? 

If assumed that “quality care” is understood as “offering the best treatment according to the diagnosis, based on evidence and international treatment guidelines”, then this is not necessarily the case. Indeed, research in developing countries shows that, more often than their public counterparts, doctors in the private-for-profit sector do not respect international treatment guidelines.

In Peru and Chile higher rates of potentially unnecessary procedures, particularly ceasarian sections, were reported in private-for-profit settings after privatization of  obstetric services. Studies in Mexico suggested that fee-for-service payment structures (which are more heavily present in private than in public care delivery settings) incentivized increased C-sections, while ceasarian sections should only be performed on medical indication because they entail more health risks for the mother.

Recent studies also suggest that in several developing countries, private-for-profit practitioners had a significantly worse knowledge of correct diagnosis and treatment. In Sub-Saharan Africa doctors serving in the for-profit sector have shown to be more likely to prescribe unnecessary antibiotics to children with diarrhea, instead of the recommended oral rehydration salts. Irrational prescribing practices could lead to antibiotic resistance, which poses the world population at risk.

Is the private sector more efficient than the public sector?

We understand “€œefficiency”€ as “€œproducing the best possible results with the available budget”€. According to the 2009 Oxfam report “€œBlind optimism“€, commercialization of health care increases public spending, while health outcomes deteriorate. Lebanon has one of the most privatized health systems in the developing world. The country spends two times more on health care than Sri Lanka, a country far lower on the development index of the United Nations. Despite the high public spending, the infant and maternal mortality rates are 2.5 and 3 times higher, respectively. Outsourcing healthcare to the commercial sector in China- still remembered for its former “€œbarefoot doctors”€- has led to a decline of less-profitable preventative health care; immunisation coverage dropped by half in the following five years. Likewise, following extensive privatization reforms in Colombia in 1993, population vaccine coverage declined and more cases of tuberculosis occurred.

EU should refrain from promoting privatization policies

Economic development is seen as the panacea in creating health and wealth. However, opening up the health sector for increased private-for-profit investments is creating inequalities in access to health care and thus inequities in health outcomes, which raises serious concerns of sociale justice. Therefore, the European Union should refrain from development policies that support or push privatization efforts in the health sector.

References

1-IBON Facts and Figures. PPP in Health. Vol. 34. N° 7 & 8, 15 & 30 April 2011

2- IBON Facts and Figures. Aquino’s Universal Health Care. Vol 34, N° 17, 15 september, 2012

3-Haddad, S., Baris, E., & Narayana, D. (2008). Safeguarding the health sector in times of macroeconomic instability: policy lessons for low- and middle-income countries. Ottawa: Africa World Press: International development research centre

————————————————————————————–

*Natalie Van Gijsel is Campaign and Policy Officer at Medecine pour le Tiers Monde in Belgium. Being a midwife she worked in Belgium and for some years in Sierra Leone. She is a master-student in Global Health Policy at the London School Of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine

News Link 102

 

The news links are part of the research project GESPAM (Geopolitica, Salute Pubblica e Accesso alle Medicine/Geopolitics, Public Health and Access to Medicines), which aims to focus on the best options for the use of trade and government rules related to public health by resource-limited countries

 

News Link 102

WHO Report On NCDs Praises Efforts By Countries, But Not Enough 

WHO: Public health round-up 

EU launches negotiations on environmental trade agreement

Europe backs post-2015 agreement on DRR 

UK anti-TTIP protests to focus on NHS privatisation  

No health workers, no health protection  

UN and NGOs ‘too focused on funding’, and child mortality goal slips away  

Do WIPO Delegations Want Indigenous Peoples’ Participation? 

UN moves to bring climate information into health planning

5 ways to tackle climate change and advance food security 

Food for thought: undernutrition policy could be better, says UK aid watchdog 

Seed Treaty Celebrates Ten Year Anniversary; Focus On Funding, Collaborations  

Linking  humanitarian,  development  and  climate  finance  is  critical for  fragile  and  conflict-affected States 

World Bank chief backs launch of BRICS bank 

China’s foreign aid: New facts and figures  

Over half of China’s foreign aid earmarked for Africa: gov’t report

Can Africa learn from China? 

Gates Foundation battling big new threat in malaria fight 

How microlenders are pushing the poor further into poverty

Ending extreme poverty by 2030 is a goal within reach

Reinventing the toilet for 2.5 billion in need 

The Era Of Big Data And Its Implications For Big Pharma  

The World’s 25 Most Fragile, Vulnerable, And Dysfunctional States 

Vaccino anti-Aids, la vicenda varca i confini   

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The news links are part of the research project GESPAM (Geopolitica, Salute Pubblica e Accesso alle Medicine/Geopolitics, Public Health and Access to Medicines), which aims to focus on the best options for the use of trade and government rules related to public health by resource-limited countries

 

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Making history: from a public health emergency to a polio-free world 

Accelerating progress on women’s and children’s health

Success factors for reducing maternal and child mortality

UN must pick up the pace on sustainable finance 

The World Health Organization: no game of thrones

World Bank Group Commitments Rise Sharply in FY14 Amid Organizational Change 

Pharmaceutical Industry: an asset of the European Economy

PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY: A STRATEGIC SECTOR FOR THE EUROPEAN ECONOMY  

European Commission: Action Plan on the enforcement of Intellectual Property Rights  

GlaxoSmithKline’s China scandal: A cautionary tale? 

International investment agreements and public health: neutralizing a threat through treaty drafting 

A BRICS Wall Facing West 

EU-BRAZIL PARTNERSHIP ON DEVELOPMENT: A LUKEWARM AFFAIR – ANALYSIS

African Development Bank on the move 

Reforms to Food Aid in the Farm Bill will Help Spur Local Markets 

ONE applauds AU Malabo Declaration’s re-commitment to agriculture transformation  

Are Money Transfer Monopolies Keeping African Families in Poverty? 

Learning from a “Living Laboratory”: 5 Lessons for the Green Climate Fund  

AFSA Submission for Urgent  Intervention in Respect to Draft ARIPO Plant Variety Protection Protocol (PVP) and Subsequent  Regulations 

Conducting clinical trials for sleeping sickness in remote areas of the Democratic Republic of the Congo – Overcoming operational challenges and reaping health system benefits

Fexinidazole study for sleeping sickness extended to new patient groups 

La violenza sulle donne. Il caso indiano 

Copertura sanitaria universale e equità. Il momento delle scelte 

AIDS. Lo scandalo del vaccino italiano 

 

 

 

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The news links are part of the research project GESPAM (Geopolitica, Salute Pubblica e Accesso alle Medicine/Geopolitics, Public Health and Access to Medicines), which aims to focus on the best options for the use of trade and government rules related to public health by resource-limited countries

 

News Link 100

Open letter from Civil Society groups to Minister Rob Davies and the Newly Appointed Cabinet on the Urgent Need to Finalise and Adopt South Africa’s National IP Policy

Eliminating inequality and the threat of climate change key to new UN development goals

UN Advisor Denounces Junk Food As ‘Culprit’ In Rising NCDs, Calls For Change

Chile, China and Morocco join others in moving closer to eradicating hunger

Small Farmers’ Rights Sidelined In Uganda’s Plant Breeding Regulation

NGOs blame Berlin for feeding big business land grabs

How can food security interventions be more sustainable?

How to feed a hungry planet

UN urges G77+China to unite on combating poverty, climate change

Not Just ‘Women’s Issues’: Including Women in the Growth Agenda

5 Practical Actions to Help Free Imprisoned Sudanese Mother

A Call to Prioritize Gender in Development

Donors Should Put Evidence Before Politics and Diplomacy

Sustainable development: Show, don’t tell

Toilets for all: a big challenge for India’s government

Partnership commerciale tra Usa e Ue: L’Italia avrà un ruolo fondamentale

Partire è un poco morire. Malattie infettive nelle popolazioni immigrate nell’Unione Europea

Sud Africa. I progressi e le sfide

Ospedali for profit in Africa. Il caso Lesotho

Come s’insegna Medicina nell’Università Fluminense, Rio de Janeiro-Brasil

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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The news links are part of the research project GESPAM (Geopolitica, Salute Pubblica e Accesso alle Medicine/Geopolitics, Public Health and Access to Medicines), which aims to focus on the best options for the use of trade and government rules related to public health by resource-limited countries

 

News Link 99

Commission rejects call to respect right to life in development aid 

Council for Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights – Non-violation complaints under the TRIPS Agreement – Communication from the United States

TRIPS Council Debates Non-Violations, Innovation, Green Tech Transfer 

Development Progress LAUNCH: Pathways to Progress in Health 

UN group chairs unveil zero draft for sustainable development goals 

The Brussels G7 Summit Declaration 

Oxfam on G7 summit: Stronger steer needed on energy security, climate change and the global economy 

Shared Responsibilities for Health: A Coherent Global Framework for Health Financing  

Growing concerns over medicines agency’s proposed rules for transparency  

Africa and the New European Parliament: How Much Change Can We Expect? 

Civil society leaders to meet in advance of US-Africa summit   

A healthier South Africa through continued ANC dominance?   

Vaccines Europe: Call for Action 

Access To Vaccines, Patents Growing Concerns, Panellists Say 

Why Must We Pay Attention to Women’s Economic Empowerment? 

Kellogg & General Mills: Feed people, fight climate change! 

Change the way the food companies that make your favorite brands do business  

Sustainable Energy Supply Models Discussed At UNESCO Conference 

Q&A: Developing World Leads in Advancement of Climate Change Laws

Pollution Deaths Soar but Aid Is Cut  

African Intellectual Property Organization (OAPI) Becomes Second Intergovernmental Organization to Join UPOV     

How to Beat Malaria, Once and for All 

Fight the Fakes Campaign: Partners  

A cross-sectional investigation of the quality of selected medicines in Cambodia in 2010   

Mind the gaps – the epidemiology of poor-quality anti-malarials in the malarious world – analysis of the WorldWide Antimalarial Resistance Network database  

Quality of Antimalarial Drugs and Antibiotics in Papua New Guinea: A Survey of the Health Facility Supply Chain 

A Tiered Analytical Approach for Investigating Poor Quality Emergency Contraceptives

Measuring Wealth to Track Sustainability

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No excuses in Chagas diagnosis  

Fear and ignorance aid spread of Ebola

How ‘rogue’ is China’s aid?  

 

 

 

 

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The news links are part of the research project GESPAM (Geopolitica, Salute Pubblica e Accesso alle Medicine/Geopolitics, Public Health and Access to Medicines), which aims to focus on the best options for the use of trade and government rules related to public health by resource-limited countries

 

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The human embryo is “One of Us”: help us to protect and respect its dignity and integrity   

Petition To Save Meriam Ibrahim Yehya 

Making fair choices on the path to universal health coverage

What is the Open Policy Network? 

Open A.I.R. Project Publications 

The Open African Innovation Research and Training (Open A.I.R.) Project 

Commodities for better health in Africa – time to invest locally

Innovation & IP – Collaborative Dynamics in Africa 

Knowledge & Innovation in Africa – Scenarios for the Future 

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BRICS cooperation in strategic health projects

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Relative health performance in BRICS over the past 20 years: the winners and losers 

Socioeconomic inequalities and mortality trends in BRICS, 1990–2010

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Tracking the flow of health aid from BRICS countries 

Tuberculosis in BRICS: challenges and opportunities for leadership within the post-2015 agenda 

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BRICS’ contributions to the global health agenda 

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UNDP cuts HQ staff, creates new lower-level jobs

Italy won’t let corruption stop dev’t aid to Mindanao

Obesity rising  

 

 

 

 

Financing Research for Health: Why the Multilateral Process Paused, and What Action Governments Should Take rather than Wait

Many low and middle-income countries (LMICs) are still struggling to finance indigenous R&D, and several are failing to meet continental declarations of intent such as the African Union target of 1% of GDP on R&D. In the next two years, LMICs may make significant strides in pushing their own R&D models, but it is clear that a radical re-think of how to fund, and how to incentivise R&D is needed if they are to get drug development for diseases of poverty resourced. A bold new strategy requires perspectives including the voice of NGOs and civil society, if progress in R&D is to result in greater access and health equity. This is why LMICs should take the lead and not rely on external aid nor wait for international treaties to arrange what they can start and fund at home

Financing Research for Health: Why the Multilateral Process Paused, and What Action Governments Should Take rather than Wait

by 

 Priya Shetty Global Health Consultant, Brighton, UK  

Danny Edwards Council on Health Research for Development (COHRED*), Geneva, Switzerland

Carel IJsselmuiden COHRED, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa

 

There are some problems in global health that seem so intractable as to defy solution: one of these is the flawed model of research and development (R&D). Developing new drugs and vaccines is so expensive that a market-based system simply cannot support the millions of dollars needed in investment when these medicines are being developed for people who cannot afford costly drugs and are without health insurance.

For a while in 2012, it seemed as if the world would see a much-awaited R&D treaty that would revolutionise funding of global health research. This time, it also looked like the pharmaceutical industry was on board, a major coup considering that the business goals of industry are often not in alignment with ensuring that the world’€™s poorest have access to cheap medicines. But hopes were dashed when the idea was once again placed on the backburner until 2016, a decision reached in May 2013 at the 66th World Health Assembly in response to the report of the Consultative Expert Working Group on Research and Development: Financing and Coordination (CEWG).

Many in global health saw this as enormously disappointing news, and with good reason. The restrictions of intellectual property laws still limit the  production of generic medicines, and gains in access to generic drugs are under constant threat of reversal, particularly for the most costly drugs. Despite the launch of ventures such as the Drugs for Neglected Diseases Initiative (DNDi), neglected diseases such as trachoma and Buruli ulcer still garner pitiful amounts of attention, and even less funding. Last year, with the exception of the USA, high-income country governments cut their funding for neglected diseases by an average of 20%.

Under pressure to take some action after the multilateral process stalled, governments agreed to create a Global R&D Observatory to improve monitoring and evaluation of health research financing, and to identify “€œdemonstration projects“to test mechanisms for boosting global R&D financing. These projects should help us understand better what sort of incentives -€“ such as an R&D prize fund -€“ could entice researchers to target particular R&D goals.

However, the eight demonstration projects that were chosen a year later, last December, left many, especially civil society and NGOs such as MSF underwhelmed. The criteria for selecting the projects were revealed so close to the meeting as to leave no time for critique or input, and while the projects seem entirely robust scientifically, they did not yet prioritize testing price-delinkage mechanisms -€“ yet the fact that the high cost of R&D is linked to the price of the final product is central to the reason that the current system is broken. Demonstration projects that fall closely in line with the existing system will only prove a circular argument – that if a project is designed to work within the current system, it will succeed. Yet this is far from what is needed. These considerations are without prejudice to a just approved resolution by the 67th WHA that allows WHO to establish a pooled fund for sustainable R&D for developing countries, based upon delinking drug prices from the cost of the R&D.

Worryingly, it seems there is a real possibility that, in 2016, we will be no closer to understanding how to devise a global R&D treaty, and that the demonstration projects will have revealed very little about radical and innovative ways to fund global R&D, especially for health problems faced by those with fewest resources. Other commentators  have variously described the process as a ‘€˜non-event’€™, that is ‘€˜based on flawed logic’, and will ‘€˜waste time and money’€™.

The multilateral process to develop an R&D treaty failed for many reasons. A key explanation is that two of the biggest global R&D funders, the USA and the European Union, were opposed to the financial reform aspects of the treaty, which would demand fixed contributions of GDP towards R&D from member states and would ensure that 20% of this funding is channeled through a pooled funding mechanism. Other major criticisms centered on the absence of any serious engagement with civil society or NGOs, and more critically, on the heavy-handed involvement of the pharmaceutical industry and its attempt to co-opt the R&D agenda, although it is perhaps not surprising that the pharmaceutical companies would not wholeheartedly support a treaty that proposed radical reform in how it does business.

All of this suggests that it is time for the global health community to be bolder in how it deals with this issue. WHO member states are understandably conservative when it comes to international agreements, and agreeing on a treaty that is acceptable to all is not an easy task. But the world has proven that when it wants to, such as in enforcing stricter tobacco control, it can be both co-operative and innovative.

Despite the somewhat dispiriting lack of action at the international level, there are significant actions that low and middle-income countries (LMICs) themselves can take – and indeed are already taking – to push for a better R&D system.

For instance, several new financing mechanisms, with control firmly in the hands of LMICs, are being floated. Recently, a BRICS Bank was created which would fund infrastructure and sustainable development in LMICs. Now, BRICS countries have agreed to fund the bank with $100 billion, which could weaken the dominance of funding agencies such as the World Bank in global aid. BRICS partnerships  and South-South partnerships are starting to flourish too, with India and Israel setting up a joint US$40 million fund for technology ventures, with each country investing US$20 million over 5 years.

Many LMICs are still struggling to finance indigenous R&D, however, and several are failing to meet continental declarations of intent such as the African Union target of 1% of GDP on R&D. Relying on external aid, however, means that countries risk loss of autonomy in setting their research agenda. At COHRED’€™s 2013 Colloquium in Geneva, participants suggested that LMICs set up dedicated national research funds (NRFs) as a way of ensuring that research funding is disbursed in accordance with explicitly linked local priorities. South Africa set up such a fund in 1998. Indonesia, currently in the midst of radical science and technology reform, is planning to set up a NRF, as are many African countries such as Burkina Faso, Burundi, Ghana and Kenya.

The possible benefits of such an approach are numerous. It can fund systematically, ensuring that research funds do not dry up halfway through a project: a perennial issue in low-income countries. It can raise research quality by instituting a competitive process based on merit, meaning that funding does not go to only the well connected. It can fund institutional and management capacity, areas less popular with international funders. It can be aligned with national research agendas, ensuring funded research accords to country need as is the case in most high-income countries. Even though allocating a percentage of a low national budget will not immediately replace the need for global health research funding, it directly supports LMIC autonomy in setting their own priorities and setting the tone and direction of their own research and innovation systems.

For the least-developed countries, other events also indicate that the time is right to build R&D infrastructure. On 11-12 June last year, the World Trade Organization (WTO) Council on the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), agreed that least-developed countries do not have to comply with the global intellectual property rights framework for a further eight years beyond 2013. This provides them greater freedom to build up their technological base (as India did before WTO accession in 2005) and the policy space to experiment with alternative models for incentivising R&D.

In the next two years, LMICs may make significant strides in pushing their own R&D models, but it is clear that a radical re-think of how we fund, and how we incentivise R&D is needed if we are to get drug development for diseases of poverty resourced. It is evident that processes run entirely by member states are too often mired in politics as to be actionable. A bold new strategy requires new perspectives, especially from those outside of the system, including the voice of NGOs and civil society – if progress in R&D is to result in greater access and health equity. This is why LMICs should take the lead and not wait for international treaties to arrange what they can start and fund at home.

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*COHRED, the Council on Health Research for Development, is a global, non-profit organisation whose singular goal is to maximize the potential of research and innovation to deliver sustainable solutions to the health and development problems of people living in low and middle-income countries